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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


v* 


33  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WIBSTIR.N.Y.  14SS0 

(716)  •72-4503 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  IVIicroreproJuctions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


■1- 


■j-.:-ii  v^■.,.^.-}&.  .-..vv.wm.:. ■>>'.■ 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I — I    Covers  damaged/ 


D 


Couverture  endommagde 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur6e  et/ou  pelliculde 


I — I    Cover  title  missing/ 


D 
D 
D 
D 
D 


D 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  gdographlques  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  matr  iai/ 
Relid  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  reliure  serr6e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intirieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajoutdes 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais.  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  filmdes. 


L'Institut  a  micro'ilmd  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6X6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  d«^tails 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-§tre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  una 
modification  dans  la  m6thode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquds  ci-dessous. 


D 
D 
D 
D 
D 


Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagdes 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaurdes  et/ou  pelliculdes 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  d6color6es,  tachet6es  ou  piqu6es 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d^tach^es 


□    Showthrough/ 
Transparenje 

□    Quality  of  print  varies/ 
Quality  indgale  de  I'impression 

□    Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppl6mentaire 


D 
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Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 

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slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
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obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


D 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl6mentaires; 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  i  ductlon  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film6  au  taux  de  r6duction  Indlqu6  cl-desFOUs. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

^^■■m 

26X 



30X 

^^^_ 

1 

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12X 

16X 

20X 

24X 

28X 

32X 

■^='*w*«j^B^*ft*i»j  ^BMBife^WWWert 


■"^w^ftmj^gjL 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  off: 

Library  of  Congress 
Photoduplication  Service 


L'exemplaire  film*  ffut  reproduit  grfice  d  la 
gAnArositA  de: 

Library  of  Congress 
Photoduplication  Service 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  iast  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  -^(meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  ere  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettetA  de  l'exemplaire  film6.  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimAe  sont  film6s  en  commen^ant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
darniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmto  en  commen9ant  par  la 
premiAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
derniAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbole  ▼  signifie  "FIN  ". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
filmte  6  des  taux  de  reduction  diff6rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA,  11  est  filmi  A  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


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Vi  I. 


1 


THE 


PSYCHOLOGY  OF  CHILDHOOD 


BT 


i/ 


FREDERICK  TRACY,  B.A.,  Ph.D. 

LBCTUEBR  IN   PHILOSOPHY  IN  THE  UNIVBBSITY  OP  TORONTO 


THIRD  EDITION 


BOSTON,   U.S.A. 
D.  C.  HEATH  &  CO.,   PUBLISHERS 


1896 


60:303 

Copyright,  1994, 
Bt  FKEDEUICK  TRACV. 


.»e! 


*-. 


Typography  by  J.  S.  Gushing  &  Co.,  Boston. 
Presswork  by  Rockwell  &  Churchill,  Boston. 


oC? 


?, 


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•i. 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE   FIRST  EDITION. 

T:iE  author  has  here  undertaken  to  present  as  concisely, 
yet  as  completely,  as  possible,  the  results  of  the  systematic 
study  of  children  up  to  date,  and  has  included  everything  of 
importance  that  could  be  found.  This  work  was  greatly 
needed,  and  has  been  done  with  a  thoroughness  which  all 
interested  in  the  subject  will  gratefully  recognize.  Most 
observations  have  been  limited  to  one  or  more  aspects  of  the 
vast,  many-sided  topic.  As  we  are  now  able  to  catch  a 
glimpse  for  the  first  time  of  the  entire  field,  we  realize  the 
importance  of  results  already  achieved,  and  the  yet  greater 
promise  of  the  future.  The  questions  here  treated  are 
fundamental  for  both  psychology  and  pedagogy,  for  the  more 
fundamental  the  traits,  the  earlier  they  unfold.  Yet  it 
should  be  remembered  that  the  data  for  infant  study  are 
relatively  more  complete  than  are  the  records  of  chi'hpn  of 
school  age.  The  latter,  when  they  are  fully  presented  may 
be  more  practical,  but  the  former  are  more  fundamental 
for  philosophy  and  ethics. 

It  is  a  most  auspicious  fact  for  philosophy  and  for  educa- 
tion, that  both  are  coming  to  be  based  more  and  more  upon 
the  eternal  and  natural  foundation  of  sympathetic  observa- 

Ui 


! 


VA 


iiTiirtfllTllfniiilfflw 


'!■■'':■ 
I 


IV 


INTRODUCTION   TO  THE  FIRST   EDITION. 


tion  of  childhood,  and  that  the  same  season  that  witnessed 
the  completion  of  this  memoir  has  witnessed  the  formation 
of  a  national  society  for  child  study,  inaugurated  by  a  suc- 
cessful three  days'  congress. 

This  dissertation  is  far  more  than  a  compilation.  It 
brings  important  additions  to  our  knowledge  upon  some  of 
the  most  important  topics.  This  is  perhaps  most  noticeable 
in  the  case  of  the  chapter  on  language,  almost  a  monograph 
in  itself,  and  which  will  interest  philologists  as  well  as 
psychologists  and  teachers.  ^    STANLEY  HALL. 

Clabk  University,  September,  1893. 


witnessed 
'ormation 
by  a  suc- 

ition.  It 
n  some  of 
noticeable 
lonograph 
IS  well  as 

HALL. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 


or»:o 


In  the  very  short  time  which  has  elapsed  since  the  publi- 
cation of  the  first  edition  of  this  little  took,  the  author  has 
found  neither  leisure  nor  material  for  any  very  extensive 
enlargement  or  modification.  A  few  typographical  errors 
have  been  corrected,  one  or  two  passages  slightly  modified 
in  conformity  with  the  results  of  later  investigation,  and  a 
footnote  or  reference  added  here  and  there.  The  bibliog- 
raphy has  been  brought  up  to  date  by  the  addition  of 
several  works  which  have  appeared  since  the  publication  of 
the  first  edition,  and  at  the  suggestion  of  several  reviewers, 
an  index  and  a  table  of  contents  have  been  added.  On  the 
other  hand,  a  good  many  of  the  reference  numbers  which 
disfigured  the  pages  of  the  first  edition,  are  in  the  present 

edition  omitted  or  simplified. 

..„  ._    .^  -  -       Y.  T. 

Univbrsitv  of  Toronto,  September,  1894. 


1' 


TABLE   OF  CONTENTS. 

MM 

iNTBODnCTION  TO  THE  FIR8T   EDITION,   BT   PRESIDENT    HaLL      .         »! 

Preface  to  the  Second  Edition ^ 

Preliminary 

CHAPTER  I.     SENSATION. 

ilOTION 

I,  Sight ^ 

II.    Hearing 

27 

III.  Touch 

IV.  Taste 

,,     „  34 

V.     Smell      

37 

VI.      TEMPEBATnBB 

OQ 

VII.    Oeoanio  Sensations 

40 
VIII.     MnscuLAB  Feelings 

CHAPTER  II.     EMOTION. 

I.    Fbab ** 

II.  Anger — ^ 

m.     Surprise,  Astonishment,  Curiosity 49 

CO 

IV.     .Esthetic  Feelings 

V.     Love,  Sympathy,  Jealousy,  etc ^ 

vii 


1  J 


■■■■: 


I'liilii  tolBOTMirMrmrriMittlf 'if'wiirr"  -'"'i"^'-'"'- 


f 


Vlll 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   III.     INTELLECT. 

SUCTION  p^gg 

I.     Perception Q2 

II.  Memokv 65 

III.  Association qq 

IV.  Imagination 72 

V.     The  Discursive  Processes 75 

VI.     The  Idea  of  Self 82 

CHAPTER   IV.     VOLITION. 

I.     Impulsive  Movements 93 

II.     Reflex  Movements 94 

III.  Instinctive  Movements 98 

IV.  Ideational  Movements 102 

CHAPTER  V.     LANGUAGE. 

I.     Heredity  vs.  Education  in  Lanouaob 115 

II.    The  Physiological  Development 119 

III.  The  Phonetic  ANi.  Psychic  Development      ....  124 

Vocabularies 140 

Unpublished  Sources  of  Information 161 

Published  Sources  of  Information 162 

Index i69 


ifiy<liiiiiij>ii|):;iljinf»i|),iiinr:ir>Miiji:#fi}^ 


PAGE 
62 

66 
60 
72 
76 
82 


93 

94 

98 

102 


116 
110 
124 


140 
161 
162 
160 


PRELIMINARY. 


»>««> 


The  comparative  method  of  study  has  commended  itself 
to  all  the  sciences  in  modern  times  by  its  fertility  in  results, 
and  is  now  being  employed  extensively  in  two  principal 
directions:  viz.,  the  analogical  and  the   genetical.     The 
philologist,  for  example,  compares  his  own  language,  on  the 
one  hand  with  other  languages  (in  the  search  for  analogies), 
and  on  the  other  avails  himself  of  all  manuscripts,  inscrip- 
tions, etc.,  which  show  1  im  his  language  in  its  earliest 
stages,  and  help  hini  to  determine  by  the  operation  of  what 
causes,  and  according  to  what  laws,  it  has  developed  from 
its  original  crude  and  inefficient  state  to  its  present  pol- 
ished and  complicated  condition.     And  similarly  with  other 
sciences.     In  the  case  of  psychology  the  application  of  the 
comparative  method  has  led  the  investigator  to  the  obser- 
vation of  mental  manifestations  in  the  lower  animals ;  in 
human  beings  of  morbid  or  defective  mental  life,  such  as 
the  insane,  the  idiotic,  the  blind,  deaf  and  dumb;  in  peoples 
of  different  types  of  culture,  ancient  and  modern,  savage 
and  civilized;  and  finally  to  the  study  of  mental  phenomena 
in  their  genesis  and  early  development  in  the  life  of  the 
child.     If  the  child  is  only  the  adult  in  miniature,  and  if 

ix 


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I 


X  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  CHILDHOOD. 

society  is  only  the  individual  "writ  large,"  then  in  stv  Tying 
the  infant  mind  we  are  approaching  a  vantage  ground  from 
which  we  may  catch  a  prophetic  view,  not  only  of  psycho- 
logical, but  also  of  sociological  phenomena. 

When  we  compare  the  young  child  with  the  young  animal, 
we  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  by  the  apparent  superiority  of 
the  latter  over  the  former,  at  the  beginning  of  life.     The 
human  infant,  for  example,  requires  weeks  to  attain  the 
power  of  holding  his  head  in  equilibrium,  while  the  young 
chicken  runs  about  and  picks  up  grains  of  wheat  before 
the  first  day  of  his  life  is  over.     This,  however,  carefully 
considered,  is  a  token  rather  of  the  superiority  than  of  t^s 
inferiority  of  the  human  being.     The  higher  you  ascend  in 
the  scale  of  being,  the  more  varied  and  complex  is  the  en- 
vironment in  whitli  the  individual  moves,  and  to  which  he 
must  adapt  his  movements.     This  adaptation  requires,  on 
the  physiological  side,  a  cerebral  and  nervous  development, 
and  on  the  psychic  side  a  mental  growth,  for  which  time  is 
an  absolute  necessity.     Animals  go  on  all  their  lives,  doing 
the  same  simple  things,  which  require  a  minimum  of  mental 
activity,  and  which,  by  dint  of  constant  repetition,  produce 
physiological  adjustments  that  become  at  length  hereditary; 
so  that  phenomena  which  seem  to  the  casual  observer  the 
index  of  an  astonishing  degree  of  mental  advancement  — 
such  as  the  "scampering"  of  young  chicks  on  a  certain 
peculiar  call  of  the  mother  —  are  really  at  bottom  little  more 
than  the  response  of  an  organism,  adjusted  by  heredity,  to 
the  action  of  an  external  stimulus. 

The  longer  and  more  arduous  the  journey,  the  more  time 


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more  time 


PRELIMINARY.  M 

is  required  for  prepa-  ition ;  the  more  complicated  the  art  to 
be  acquired,  the  more  extended  is  the  period  of  apprentice- 
ship. So  the  child,  having  an  infinitely  grander  life  before , 
him,  and  infinitely  more  exalted,  complicated  and  difficult 
operations  to  perform  —  mental,  moral  and  physical  — re- 
quires a  longer  period  of  tutelage  than  the  chicken,  which 
on  the  first  day  of  his  life  scratches  and  pecks,  and  to  the 
end  of  his  existence  makes  no  advance  upon  these  simple 
operations.  The  young  animal,  before  the  end  of  the  first 
day  of  his  life,  does  what  it  takes  the  child  a  year  to  accom- 
plish; but  the  child  of  two  years  does  what  the  animal  never 
will  accomplish  to  the  end  of  his  days.^ 

The  object  of  the  present  essay  is  to  discuss  infant 
psychology.  When  and  how  do  mental  phenomena  take 
their  rise  in  the  infant  consciousness?  How  far  are  they 
'  conditioned  by  heredity,  and  how  far  by  education,  includ- 
ing suggestion?  What  is  the  nature  of  the  process  by  which 
the  automatic  and  mechanical  pass  over  into  the  conscious 
and  voluntary?  These  are  some  of  the  questions  to  which 
the  following  pages  may  help  to  furnish  an  answer.  That 
they  may  do  so,  it  has  been  thought  best  to  gather  together, 
80  far  as  possible,  the  best  work  that  has  been  done  in  actual 

»  "  Eb  scheint  ein  Naturgesetz  zu  walten,  dass  das  hohere  Bedeu- 
tende  sich  langsamer  entwickele,  und  sich  durch  die  langsamere  Ent- 
wickelung  eine  Iftngere  Dauer  gleichsam  erkaufe."  Sigismiiud :  "Kind 
und  Welt,"  p.  17.  See  also  on  this  subject,  JaAtrow :  "Problems  of 
Comparative  Psycliology,"  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  Nov.  1892.  It  should  also 
be  noted  in  this  connection  that  the  inf^-uterine  period  is  relatively 
much  shorter  in  man  than  in  most  of  the  lower  animals.  The  horse, 
for  example,  lives  a  much  shorter  life  than  man,  and  yet  his  prepara- 
tory foetal  stage  is  actually  longer. 


'N 


xu 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 


observation  of  children  up  to  the  present  time,  arrange  thia 
under  appropriate  headings,  incorporate  the  results  of  sev- 
eral observations  made  by  the  writer  himself,  and  present 
the  whole  in  epitomized  form,  with  copious  references  and 
quotations.  The  inquiry  proceeds  along  the  line  usually 
followed  by  psychologists,  and  treats  the  mental  endow- 
ment, from  the  genetic  point  of  view,  in  the  following  order : 
sensation,  emotion,  intellect,  volition;  child-language,  on 
account  of  its  paramount  impoi.'tance,  being  treated  in  a 
chapter  by  itself.  It  was  intenned  at  first  to  add  a  chapter 
on  the  moral  nature  of  the  child,  but  as  the  work  progressed, 
it  became  more  and  more  evident  that,  to  treat  this  impor- 
tant phase  of  child-life  adequately,  would  require  not  only 
more  space  than  is  at  our  disposal  at  present,  but  an  advance 
into  later  stages  of  life  than  are  embraced  in  the  present 
work,  which  is  intended  only  as  a  manual  of  infant  psy- 
chology in  an  approximately  strict  sense  of  the  words. 

I  cannot  forbear  calling  attention  in  this  place  to  one 
great  general  principle,  which  is  so  constantly  illustrated  in 
the  child's  mental  life  that  it  may  be  considered  universal. 
It  might  be  appropriately  named  the  principle  of  trans- 
formation, and  explained  as  follows:  Every  mental  phe- 
nomenon passes  through  a  graduated  ascending  series  of 
development.  At  first,  the  physiological  predominates, 
consciousness  is  at  a  minimum,  and  the  so-called  mental 
phenomenon  would  be  more  accurately  defined  as  the  reac- 
tion of  the  nervous  system  to  external  stimuli  or  to  organic 
conditions.  For  example,  the  child  cries  at  intervals  from 
the  moment  of  his  birth,  but  at  first  this  cry  is  independent 


mmtimmlmiia 


>I»1|IPL^II*'|*II    fi.l.' 


PRELIMINARY. 


XUl 


'ange  this 
ts  of  sev- 
id  present 
ences  and 
le  usually 
il  endow- 
ing order : 
guage,  on 
ated  in  a 

a  chapter 
rogressed, 
lis  impor- 
!  not  only 
a  advance 
le  present 
ifant  psy- 
jrds. 

ce  to  one 
strated  in 
universal. 

of  trans- 
ntal  phe- 

series  of 
ominates, 
ed  mental 

the  reac- 
c6  organic 
vals  from 
iependent 


of  his  will,  and  possesses  scarcely  any  mental  significance, 
for  it  is  made  without  cerebral  cooperation,  and  —  as  in  the 
case  of  microcephalic  infants  —  even  when  the  cerebrum  is 
entirely  absent"*'.*  Later  the  mental  aspect  becomes  more 
prominent.  When  the  intellect  and  will  have  become  suf- 
ficiently developed,  the  child  directs  his  attention  to  the 
act,  makes  it  his  own  and  performs  it  voluntarily.  The 
process  perhaps  has  not  changed  at  all,  to  outward  appear- 
ance, but  when  viewed  on  the  inner  side,  it  is  seen  to  have 
been  completely  transformed  in  character;  and  one  of  the 
most  diificult  tasks  for  the  psycliologist  is  to  determine  the 
when  and  the  how  of  this  transformation. 

The  exact  <ime  at  which  each  psj  chic  activity  makes  its 
appearance,  is  perhaps  of  less  importance  than  the  order  of 
the  various  activities ;  yet  in  order  to  ascertain  the  latter, 
the  former  must  be  carefully  attended  to.  Hence  both 
absolute  and  relative  times  receive  considerable  attention  in 
the  following  pages.  ^■ 


>  The  numbers  in  brackets  are  references  to  the  bibliography  at  the 
back. 


mm-'. 


,My.  m^  ,w,r.   M^^^i^yy 


^,j>yiT.'i<»->w,i'jij.pi  mmw.^fm*"^^  ■H"'i  i!jyi'i|ifft<_iimii»i(i|ii|MJM*»jpiiiiyy' 


l'"*""*^'"'^'-   '""    '    ^-'S^^,'.*-r.-i 


jiiii.'J»L;:iiu<ii.a'i.T!ii«»wijiji!!yy.w^ 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  CHILDHOOD. 


ot^o 


CHAPTER  I. 


SENSATION. 


It  is  important  to  treat  sensation  first,  because  it  lies  at 
the  foundation  of  all  mental  development.  All  the  higher 
processes  of  mind  are  simply  the  result  of  progressive 
«  syntheses  of  the  manifold  "  as  given  in  sensation.  Though 
we  may  not  agree  with  Locke,  that  all  ideas  are  derived 
from  sensation,  yet  we  must  agree  that  there  are  no  ideas 
in  the  mind  prior  to  sensation.  And  looking  at  the  active 
side  of  our  nature,  the  intimate  connection  between  the 
senses  and  the  will  is  equally  manifest.  Our  sense-impres- v 
sions,  produced  by  external  objects  upon  the  peripheral 
organism,  are  conveyed  along  the  afferent  nerves  to  sensory 
centres  closely  connected  with  corresponding  motor  centres 
in  the  cerebral  cortex.  Hence  the  importance  of  the  child's 
sense-growth. 

Are  any  sensations  felt  in  the  foetal  stage  of  existence? 
And  if  so,  what?  In  answer  to  this  question,  we  may,  first 
of  all,  proceed  negatively  and  determine  those  senses  which 
obviously  cannot  be  in  operation  at  this  time.  Any  sense 
requiring  as  the  condition  of  its  exercise  the  medium  of 
light  or  air,  cannot  operate  until  the  child  is  born,  for 
prior  to  this  time  he  does  not  come  into  contact  with  these 

1 


^ 


,^^m'-''rrr^"' 


,,,t  .^IK^i^^..-,,;^^,   »yiFt**«y«.f»..v<>:v^»-^^^*iW-B>''""''^*^'  i  •■  *•»'   JU>  P  » 


'■3i»*,ni|i^'in(iw  jjiy*!^ 


2  THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 

™edia.  On  this  ground,  sight,  hearing  and  smell  are  p^h. 
oWvto  be  excluded:  the  first  on  account  ot  the  darkness 
of  'the  utems  the  Others  because  the  auditory  and  nasal 
tJ^^er^t  this  time  en^rel,  fined  .^^^^^^ 

the  inii  of  this  period  the  foetus  is  susceptible  to  changes    ,. 
o   t  m^e  a^^^^^^^      and  that  touch  is  to  some  degree  awakened 
ot  temperdLuiB     ,  ^„4.rW(«)      To  what  extent 

the  later  months  of   pregnancy,  vey  b  pprebruin "  • 

place  in  the  embryonic  brain,  especially  ^"  *^ «  ^^^^ 
?    it  be  allowable  to  conjecture,  it  is  probable  that  the 
;         tlrXf  the  embryo  involve  consciousness,  though 
"  sensations     ot  tne  emuy  movements  are 

very  dim  and  vague,  and  that  the  foetal  move 
.eflex  or  automatic,  taking  pla.e  in  -'tue  of  an^r    ni 
connection  between  feeling  and  movement,  due  m  large 
part  to  heredity. 

I.  Sight. 
T«,r  Embryonic  Eye. -During  the  earlier  stages  of  the 


1  E.g.,  Wirchow,  quoted  by  Perez. 


3  Bastian. 


--<;!■. 


SEflSATION. 


8 


are  prob- 
darkness 
and  nasal 
!  amniotic 
vere  avail- 
Tom  about 
to  changes 
',  awakened 
rhat  extent 
the  ti-uly 
determme. 
hey  do  not 
sensational 
that  during 
langes  take 
I  cerebrum.* 
le  that  the 
less,  though 
(cements  are 
:  an  organic 
lue  in  large 


stages  of  the 
n  proportion 
Y  subsequent 
the  anterior 
prominently 
lually  fold  in 
the  eye,  such 
sly  with  this, 


Bastisn. 


the  crystalline  lens  is  developed  by  the  involution  of  the 
epiblast,  and  is  received  into  the  hollow  cup  formed  by 
the  folding  in  of  the  primary  vesicle  spoken  of.  The  re- 
maining space  afterwards  becomes  filled  with  the  vitreous 
humor.  "The  lids  make  their  appearance  gradually  as 
folds  of  integument,  subsequently  to  the  formation  of  the 
globe  in  the  third  month  of  foetal  life.  When  they  have 
met  together  in  front  of  the  eye,  their  edges  become  closely 
glued  together  by  an  epithelial  exudation  which  is  removed 
a  short  time  before  birth  "  <">. 

We  have  already  remarked  that  no  sensations  of  sight 
are  received  during  the  foetal  period.  If  this  be  true,  the 
cause  lies,  not  in  the  imperfection  of  the  organ  itself  —  for 
the  experiments  of  Kussmaul  and  Genzmer  on  premature 
children,  show  that  at  least  two  months  before  the  normal 
birth-time,  the  mechanism  of  the  eye  is  fully  developed  and 
capable  of  reaction  to  appropriate  stimuli  —  but  in  the  ab- 
sence of  light-impressions.  There  may  even  be  at  this  time 
vague  sensations  of  light,  arising  from  subjective  or  intra- 
uterine causes,  though  if  there  be,  they  can  have  but  little 
psychological  importance,  and  can  by  no  means  account  for 
the  actual  functioning  of  the  eye  immediately  after  birth. 

The  Eye  of  the  New-born.  —  If,  therefore,  the  state  •" 
ment  is  made  that  the  new-born  child  is  blind,  it  must  not 
be  taken  to  mean  that  he  is  in  darkness  —  for  the  peripheral 
mechanism  of  the  eye  is  complete  at  birth,  and  the  differ- 
ence between  light  and  darkness  is  felt  from  the  beginning 
—  but  only  this,  that  he  cannot  as  yet  see  things,  in  the 
proper  sense  of  the  terms.  This  is  due  to  lack  of  expe- 
rience, to  imperfect  development  of  the  cerebral  centres, 
and  to  the  dazzling  effect  of  the  light,  which  now  streams 
in,  as  Sigismund  says,  with  millions  of  waves,  upon  a 
delicate  organ,  accustomed,  up  to  this  time,  to  complete 


-nlalaiiaiWMtaMM 


MIMMMM 


I 


4  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  CHILDHOOD. 

darkness."  This  latter  obstacle,  however,  is  so-m  over- 
come, and  the  child's  progress  in  seeing  takes  place  with 
great  rapidity. 

The  sensation  of  light  is  the  first  feeling,  having  an  ex- 
ternal cause,  which  the  child  experiences  by  means  of  the 
eye.     This   organ  is  especially  adapted,  by   its   peculiar 
mechanism  of  retina  and  rods  and  cones,  and  by  its  nerves 
and  muscles  of  convergence,  contraction  and  accommoda- 
tion, to  receive  the  rays  of  light  that  fall  upon  it;  and 
hence,  as  soon  as  the  first  shock  is  over,  and  the  infant 
eye  has  become  accustomed  to  its   new  surroundings,  it 
turns  toward  the  light  as  naturally  as  the  opening  petals 
of  a  newly-blown  flower  turn  toward  the  rising  sun.     Or, 
as  Locke  has  said :  "  Even  as  the  soul  thirsts  for  ideas,  so 
the  eye  of  the  child  thirsts  for  the  light."    This  sensibility 
to  light  is  normally  present  in  the  first  minutes  of  life,  and 
is  rarely  delayed  beyond  a  few  hours,  except  in  the  case  of 
some  malformation  of  the  organs*"'.    At  this  stage,  however, 
the  distinction  of  light  and  darkness  is  felt  rather  than 
known;  and  even  the  turning  of  the  head  toward  the  light, 
which  has  been  observed  on  the  second  day  of  life,  and 
even  as  early  as  the  twentieth  hour*!"','  must  be  considered 
as  nearly  akin  to  the  movement  of  the  plant  toward  the 
light.     But  this  condition  of  things  is  not  of  long  duration. 
To  take  a  single  case  (that  of  Preyer's  boy),  we  are  told 
that  he  soon  began  to  show  signs  of  pleasures  at  a  moderate 
light,  pain  at  too  powerful  glare,  and  less  pleasure  in  dark- 


1  Kussmaul  also  remarks :  "  Ausgetragene  Kinder,  welche  eben  zur 
Welt  gekominen  and  ruhig  geworden  sind,  versuchen  ofter  das  Auge 
wiederholt  zu  offnen  sind  aber  immer  wieder  gezwungen  es  rasch  und 
kramphaft  vor  dem  einfallenden  hellen  Lichte  zu  scliliessen." 

»  Kussmaul  cites  the  case  of  a  boy,  who  though  bom  in  the  seventh 
month,  yet  turned  his  head  towards  the  window  on  the  second  day  of 
bis  life. 


8EK8AT10N. 


lODD   over 
place  with 

ing  an  ex- 
ms  of  the 
s   peculiar 
its  nerves 
jcommoda- 
m  it;  and 
the  infant 
indings,  it 
ling  petals 
:  sun.     Or, 
31  ideas,  so 
sensibility 
)f  life,  and 
bhe  case  of 
e,  however, 
■ather  than 
i  the  light, 
•f  life,  and 
considered 
toward  the 
ig  duration, 
ve  are  told 
a  moderate 
ire  in  dark- 

ilche  eben  zur 

Iter  das  Auge 

I  es  rasch  und 

sen." 

in  the  seventh 

second  day  of 


ness.  Even  during  the  first  day  the  expression  of  his  face 
changed  when  an  intervening  object  cut  off  the  liglit,  and  on 
the  eleventh  day  he  would  cry  when  the  light  was  carried 
out  of  the  room.  As  tinio  passed  on,  he  continually  took 
increasing  notice  of  these  sensations,  until  in  his  second 
month  the  sight  of  a  bright  light,  or  a  brightly  colored 
object  was  sufficient  to  elicit  from  him  exclamations  of 
delight. 

Too  powerful  a  light  causes  discomfort,  even  in  sleep. 
The  child  knits  his  eyelids  more  closely  together,  or  even 
becomes  restless  and  awakes.  A  very  bright  light  is  espe- 
cially painful  immediately  on  awakening.  Preyer  observed 
that  his  boy  shut  his  eyes  and  turned  his  head  away  when  a 
candle  was  held  close  to  him  on  awakening.  But  when  he 
had  been  awake  for  some  hours,  he  looked  steadily,  without 
blinking,  at  a  candle  held  one  metre  from  his  eyes.* 

With  these  qualifications,  we  may  conclude,  then,  that 
"light  is  pleasant  to  the  eye,"  being  its  natural  "food,"  and 
that  under  its  influence  the  delicate  organ  of  vision  grows 
and  develops,  the  visual  centres  in  the  cerebrum  become 
differentiated  and  capable  of  performing  their  function,  thus 
rendering  possible  the  subsequent  apprehension  of  qualities 
in  external  things  by  means  of  this  sense. 

Physiological  Adjustments  to  Light. — At  the  begin- 
ning of  life,  all  adjustments  of  the  visual  organ  to  the 
strength  of  the  light  are  reflex.  For  example,  from  the 
very  first  the  filaments  that  contract  the  pupil  perform  their 
function.  The  pupil  accommodates  itself  to  the  brightness 
of  the  light,  expanding  and  contracting,  as  Kussmaul  and 
Baehlmann  have  shown.  Both  pupils  contract  when  the 
light  reaches  one  of  them.     These  movements  of  contraction 

i  I  believe  this  sensitiveness  to  light  on  first  awaking  is  also  quite 
Qommon  among  adults, 


'mmm 


.aM»lti*li  rw^rtin 


il 


i 

,1' 


6  THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 

remain  automatic  to  the  end  of  life.  It  is  otherwise  with 
such  movements  as  following  a  moving  light  or  object  with 
the  eyes.  This  is  at  first  undoubtedly  reflex,  since  it  takes 
place  before  the  conscious  centres  have  been  sufficiently 
developed  for  voluntary  action,  but  it  afterwards  certainly 
comes  within  the  domain  of  the  will,  as  is  evident  from 
adult  conscious  experience.  •*' 

Eye  Movements.  —  This  includes  movements  of  the  eye- 
balls (upward,  downward,  and  from  right  to  left,  etc.).  and 
movements  of  the  lids  (raising  and  lowering),  as  weil  as 
the  relation  of  the  two  to  each  other. 

Does  the  child  possess  a  complete  nerve-mechanism  for 
eye-movements,  working  perfectly  from  the  beginning,  or 
does  he  gradually  and  painfully  acquire  all  eye-movements? 
The  most  recent  observations  lead  to  the  following  conclu- 
sion: The  mechanism  is  inherited  complete  so  far  as  pupil, 
retina  and  nerve  tracts  are  concerned,  but  the  corresponding 
brain  centres  are  not  yet  developed  in  the  first  days,  and 
become  so  only  by  experience ;  consequently  the  adjustment 
of  movements  to  external  conditions  takes  place  by  degrees. 
No  doubt  there  is  a  hereditary  predisposition  to  coordinated 
movements,  which  to  some  extent  facilitates  the  subsequent 
adjustment,  but  the  largest  share  is  due  to  experience.     The 
following  f ac1;Aave  been  established  by  careful  observations : 
.   First.  — /s  to  movements  of  the  eye-balls :  Complete  con- 
'    seious  cooMination  of  the  movements  of  the  two  eyes  does 
not  take  place  during  the  first  days.     True,  the  eyes  some- 
times move  together,  even  from  the  first,*  but  there  are  also 
numberless  non-coordinated  movements,  which  proves  that 

1  According  to  one  observer  on  the  fourth  day,  according  to  another 
on  the  second  day  (B),  while  a  third  noticed  them  five  minutes  after 
birth(").  Miss  Shinn  found  these  movements  usuaUy  symmetncal  from 
tbeflrstW, 


fe^^^j;vV'iSi!.'k/.MJ:- 


■AMtfMitW 


SENSATION. 


jrwise  with 
object  with 
nee  it  takes 
sufficiently 
is  certainly 
rident  from 


i  o£  the  eye- 
t,  etc.),  and 
,  as  weil  as 

chanism  for 
eginning,  or 
movements? 
ving  conclu- 
far  as  pupil, 
)rresponding 
st  days,  and 
3  adjustment 
3  by  degrees. 
)  coordinated 
e  subsequent 
rience.     The 
)bservations : 
lomplete  con- 
;wo  eyes  does 
le  eyes  some- 
bhere  are  also 
I  proves  that 

•ding  to  another 
re  minutes  after 
'mmetrical  from 


the  coordinated  ones  are  accidental  at  first,  and  that  the 
useless  movements  are  only  gradually  eliminated.  Kaehl- 
mann  and  Witkowski,  in  a  very  large  number  of  observa- 
tions on  new-born  children,  carried  on  for  lifteen  years, 
found  that  the  infant  eyes,  especially  in  sleep,  "assume 
positions  and  perform  movements  which  are  entirely  con- 
trary to  all  the  principles  of  association,"  including  complete 
opposite  movements  of  the  eyes,  resulting  in  divergence  of 
eye-positions*"'.  Sometimes  the  eyes  move  together,  later- 
ally and  vertically  (though  this  coordination  is  not  so 
perfect  as  in  the  adult),  but  just  as  frequently  are  the 
movements  irregular  (E).  Sometimes  one  eye  moves,  while 
the  other  remains  at  rest.  Sometimes  the  head  is  turned 
in  one  direction,  and  the  eyes  in  another.  A  great  deal  of 
unnecessary  convergence  takes  place,  as  I  have  frequently 
observed.  In  most  observed  cases,  however,  these  asym- 
metrical movements  have  become  very  much  less  frequent 
by  the  third  month,  and,  at  a  little  later  time,  have  almost 
entirely  disappeared,  except  in  sleep. 

Second.  —  As  to  movements  of  the  lids :  The  only  lid- 
movement  that  can  be  accepted  as  inborn,  is  the  sudden 
"blinking"  when  a  foreign  substance  comes  into  contact 
with  the  lashes  or  the  cornea,  or  on  the  sudden  approach  of 
a  strong  light.  The  mere  approach  of  the  object,  without 
contact,  does  not  produce  blinking  at  first;  indeed,  in  some 
cases,  it  fails  in  children  two  months  old*"'.  All  other 
lid-movements  are  at  first  accidental.  Sometimes  the  lids 
move  together,  though  more  frequently  they  do  not.  Some- 
times one  eye  remains  open  while  the  other  is  shut.  The 
two  eyes  do  not  always  open  to  an  equal  degree;  and  often, 
if  one  eye  be  disturbed  and  blinking  take  place,  the  lid  of 
the  undisturbed  eye  will  follow  some  time  after  the  other. 
The  lids  are  often  raised  while  the  look  is  directed  down- 
ward, and  vice  verm.     The  child  often  falls  asleep  with  the 


li 


J 


^1 


t 


8 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  CHILDHOOD. 


lids  a  little  apart.  Coordination,  then,  is  not  perfect  at 
first,  but  becomes  so  by  experience.  Not  only  so,  but  the 
cb'ld  actually  has  to  unlearn  several  movements  {e.g.,  rais- 
ing the  lids  while  the  eyes  are  directed  downward)  and  these 
have  become  impossible  in  the  adult^".  Gradually  these 
asymmetrical  movements  disappear,  until  by  the  end  of  the 
third  month  they  have  become  very  rare,  except  in  sleep. 

All  that  has  been  said  concerning  movements  of  the  eyes, 
and  of  the  lids,  separately,  is  true,  mutatis  mutandis,  of  the 
relation  of  these  to  each  other.  Perfect  coordination  among 
the  several  branches  of  the  oculomotorius  is  not  present  at 
the  beginning  of  life  (not  at  ail  during  the  first  ten  days, 
according  to  Raehlmann),  but  is  a  gradual  attainment, 
requiring  time  and  experience.  But  when  once  the  awaken- 
ing mind  has  taken  possession  of  the  eye,  and  made  the 
movements  of  that  organ  its  own,  it  becomes  one  of  the 
most  expressive  organs  of  the  body,  and  reveals  the  various 
shades  of  the  inner  feeling  with  astonishing  accuracy. 

Fixation.  —By  this  is  meant  conscious  divection  of  the 
gaze  upon  an  object,  as  contrasted  with  passive  staring  into 
space.  And  the  question  of  most  importance  here  is :  When 
does  the  child  pass  from  the  one  to  the  other  ?  The  question 
is  important,  because  it  throws  light  upon  the  beginning  of 
volition,  which,  in  its  exercise,  determines  in  such  large 
measure  the  mental  and  moral  development  of  the  child. 

Preyer  divides  the  "  seeing  "  of  the  infant  into  four  stages. 
I  shall  follow  his  classification,  bringing  under  each  heading 
also  the  observations  made  by  others  on  the  period  in  question : 

FtVsi.  —  Staring  into  empty  space;  experiencing  a  sensa- 
tion, but  not  perceiving  an  object.  The  ability  to  "  fixate  " 
an  object  is  lacking  in  the  newly-born,  because  he  has  as 
yet  no  control  over  the  muscles  that  move  the  head  and  eyes. 
The  apparent  looking  of  the  first  days  is  not,  therefore,  a 


r 


SENSATION. 


d 


;  perfect  at 
so,  but  the 
9  {e.g.,  rais- 
i)  and  these 
lually  these    ' 
e  end  of  the 
;  in  sleep.        ;, 
of  the  eyes, 
!ndt'.'?,  of  the 
ation  among 
)t  present  at 
•st  ten  days, 
attainment, 
the  awaken - 
d  made  the 
1  one  of  the 
J  the  various 
juracy. 

ection  of  the 
I  staring  into 
sre  is :  When 
The  question 
beginning  of 
a  such  large 
the  child. 

0  four  stages, 
each  heading 

1  in  question : 
cing  a  sensa- 
yr  to  "  fixate  " 
ise  he  has  as 
ead  and  eyes. 
r,  therefore,  a 


voluntary  or  intelligent  action,  but  only  the  instinctive 
turning  of  the  head  and  eye  so  as  to  bring  the  light  into 
contact  with  the  central  portion  of  the  retina,  where  it  pro- 
duces the  greatest  amount  of  pleasurable  feeling.  When 
Champneys  observes  that  one  child  "fixed"  his  eyes  on  a 
candle  on  the  seventh  day,  and  Darwin  reports  that  another 
child  did  the  same  on  the  ninth  day,  Preyer  remarks  that 
this  was  probably  not  real  looking,  but  only  staring  into 
space,  since  in  other  similar  cases  it  was  observed  that  the 
child  continued  to  "  look  "  when  the  object  was  withdrawn. 
There  is  probably  no  fixation  in  the  first  nine  days. 

Second.  —  The  child  no  longer  "  stares, "  but "  looks. "  He 
fastens  his  gaze  upon  a  bright  extended  surface  (e.g.,  his 
mother's  face)  and  when  another  bright,  moderately  large 
object  comes  within  the  field  of  vision,  he  turns  his  eyes 
from  the  first  to  the  second.  One  child  was  observed  to  do 
this  on  his  eleventh,  and  another  on  his  fourteenth  day. 
Along  with  the  fixing  of  the  gaze,  there  is  also  a  more 
intelligent  expression.  Perez  reports  that  a  child  observed 
•by  him  "looked  fixedly  for  three  or  four  minutes  at  a 
flickering  reflection  of  light  before  the  end  of  his  first 
month."  In  another  case,  an  object  was  looked  at  steadily 
in  the  fourth  week  for  the  first  time ;  in  another,  a  yellow 
dress  held  the  child's  gaze  at  five  weeks;  and  in  still 
another  the  power  of  fixation  is  reported  on  as  still  absent 
when  the  child  was  i  iro  months  old  (E).  Sigismund 
observes  that  about  the  middle  of  the  first  three  months  the 
child  "  begins  to  look  at  objects  with  attention ; "  and  Raehl- 
mann  found  that  "appropriate  selection  among  the  many 
possible  eye  and  lid  movements,  with  fixation  of  the  object, 
took  place  for  the  first  time  after  the  fifth  week."  * 


11 


'  Taking  the  average  of  the  above  cases,  we  have  the  thirty-second 
day,  or  during  the  fifth  week,  as  the  time  of  the  beginning  of  fixation. 


■iiHiBiirWiill 


'  !I 


i  I 


10 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 


Third.  —  In  the  third  stage,  the  child  has  acquired  the 
power  to  follow  with  his  eyes  a  bright,  moving  object. 
Here  we  have  associated  movements  of  the  eyes,  the  head 
being  motionless,  or  nearly  so.     We  have  now,  therefore,  a 
distinct  advance,  requiring  a  higher  exercise  of  power  over 
the  muscles.     The  movement  is  not  accomplished  if  the 
object  be  moved  too  rapidly.     In  one  case  the  child's  eyes 
followed  a  moving  candle  in  the  second  week;  in  another, 
on  the  twenty-third  day.     But  most  of  the  observers  have 
noticed  this  activity  first  about  the  fifth  week,  some  as  late 
as  the  sixth  or  seventh.     Raehlmann  remarks  on  this  point 
to  the  following  effect:  Associated  lateral  movements  of  the 
eyes  can  be  found  seldom  earlier  than  the  fifth  week.     Hold 
a  bright  or  colored  object  at  a  little  distance,  directly  before 
the  child's  eyes.     One  soon  notices  a  peculiar  change  of 
expression,  accompanied  by  cessation  of  the   movements 
which  the  limbs  until  now  were  executing.     The  object  has 
been  fixated.     Now  move  it  slowly  in  a  liorizontal  direction 
to  one  side,  and  both  the  eyes  follow,  but  without  movement 
of  the  head.     If  the  object  be  moved  quickly,  the  child's  ' 
eyes  lose  it  at  once;  and  also  if  the  movement  be  vertical 
instead  of  horizontal.* 

In  the  early  part  of  this  third  stage,  Preyer  holds,  there 
is  no  necessary  cooperation  of  the  cerebrum,  but  only  of  the 
corpora  quadrigemina,  and  he  cites  in  proof  the  experiment 
of  Longet  with  a  pigeon,  from  which  the  cerebral  hemi- 
spheres had  been  carefully  removed,  and  which,  in  that 
condition,  followed  with  its  eyes  the  flame  of  a  moving 
candle.  It  may  be  remarked,  however,  that  since  the 
instinctive  and  reflex  play  so  much  larger  a  part  relatively 


1  Genzmer,  on  the  other  hand,  by  shaking  a  bright  object  before  the 
eyes,  obtained  not  only  fixation,  but  "following"  movements  in  a 
large  number  of  children,  at  a  much  earlier  age  than  this. 


IJEh 


SENSATION. 


11 


jxiired  the 
iig  object. 
,  the  head 
iierefore,  a 
jower  over 
tied  if  the 
hild's  eyes 
.n  another, 
rvers  have 
)me  as  late 

this  point 
lents  of  the 
sek.  Hold 
ictly  before 

change  of 
movements 
)  object  has 
il  direction 
;  movement 
the  child's  ' 

be  vertical 

lolds,  there 
only  of  the 
experiment 
ibral  hemi- 
eh,  in  that 
I  a  moving 
since  the 
t  relatively 


set  before  the 
vements  in  a 


in  the  lower  animals  than  in  man,  this  proof  is  not  entirely 
trustworthy,  forasmuch  as  a  movement,  which  in  the  lower 
animals  is  reflex,  may  in  man  require  the  cooperation  of 
the  cerebrum.  More  to  the  purpose  would  be  the  case  of 
an  acephalous  or  microcephalous  child.  Kollman  says  of  the 
microcephalous  Margaret  Becker,  eight  years  of  age :  "  Her 
gait  is  tottering,  the  movements  of  the  head  and  extremities 
jerky,  not  always  coordinated,  hence  unsteady,  inappro- 
priate, and  spasmodic;  her  look  is  restless,  objects  are  not 
definitely  fixated."  This  case  seems  to  point  in  the  opposite 
direction  from  that  of  Longet's  pigeon,  and  Preyer's  con- 
clusion therefrom. 

Fourth.  —  Here  we  pass  from  looking  to  observing,  to  the 
active  search  for  objects.  The  child  has  a(!quired  ability 
to  give  definite  direction  to  the  gaze,  and  hold  it  there.  Of 
course  the  first  attempts  are  often  ineffectual,  but,  roughly 
speaking,  from  about  the  third  to  the  fifth  month,  this 
power  is  obtained*"*.  A  girl  of  ten  weeks  looked  for  the 
face  of  a  person  calling  her.  A  boy  in  his  sixth  week 
moved  his  head  to  follow  a  look  cast  in  a  certain  direction**". 
Another  began  in  his  sixteenth  week  to  look  intently  at  his 
own  hands.  Another  of  twelve  weeks,  on  hearing  a  noise 
made  by  a  person  on  a  drinking  glass  with  a  moistened 
finger,  turned  his  head  in  the  direction  of  the  noise,  and, 
after  one  or  two  ineffectual  attempts,  found  the  object  with 
his  eyes  and  fixated  it.  In  the  fourteenth  week  he  followed 
promptly  the  movements  of  a  pendulum  which  made  forty 
complete  oscillations  per  minute*"'.  Sigismund's  boy,  at 
nineteen  weeks,  paid  great  attention  t-  the  movements  of  a 
pendulum,  and  afterwards  followed  the  movements  of  a 
spoon  from  dish  to  mouth  and  back  again,  with  eager  mien. 
Rapid  movements,  however,  are  not  as  yet  preferred.  In 
the  railway  carriage,  the  child  of  this  age  does  not  look  at 
the  passing  objects,  but  rather  at  the  walls  and  ceiling  of 


immmim 


mttm 


■f*i;>Wi;^.— ■**»--**v-'fwt*^~'  - 


ji 


i 


M 


n 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 


the  coach.  Not  before  the  twenty-ninth  week  (in  one 
observed  case)  did  the  child  look  distinctly,  beyond  doubt, 
at  a  sparrow  flying  by.  Another  "watched  the  flight  of 
birds"  when  five  months  old  '*".  It  will  readily  be 
observed  that  the  full  attainment  of  this  fourth  stage 
involves  voluntary  control  of  the  mechanism  of  the  eye  as 
well  as  considerable  progress  in  the  intellectual  apprehen- 
sion of  the  external  world.  So  that  now  the  child  is  no 
longer  the  reflex,  staring  creature,  but  has  become  the  bona 
^c  "  seeing  "  human  being. 

Seeing  in  Pekspective.  —  Numerous  observations  con- 
firm the  following  statements : 

(a)  The  new-born  child  does  not  see,  in  any  sense  of  the 
word,  objects  that  are  very  distant  from  him;  or  if  he  sees 
them  at  all,  the  impression  made  by  them  upon  the  retina  is 
so  vague  as  not  to  enter  into  distinct  consciousness.  In- 
deed, there  are  few  distinct  retinal  images  at  first  from 
objects  either  near  or  distant. 

(b)  For  a  long  time  after  he  is  able  to  see  objects  at  a 
considerable  distance,  and  several  objects  at  unequal  dis- 
tances in  the  field  of  vision  together,  he  still  does  not  know 
how  unequal  their  distances  are,  or  even  that  they  are 
unequal.*  The  physiological  mechanism  of  the  eye,  by 
which  it  is  "  accommodated  "  to  the  distance  of  the  object 
seen,  operates  very  early;  but  the  estimation  of  distance  is 
long  imperfect.  At  one  month  and  five  days,  Tiedemann's 
son  "  distinguished  objects  outside  him,  and  tried  to  seize 
them,  extending  his  hands  and  bending  his  body."  By  the 
end  of  the  second  month,  there  is,  according  to  one  observer. 


1  "H  est  prouv6,  par  dea  faits  certains,  qu'lls  sent  plusieurs  mois, 
sans  avoir  d'ldfie  prficise  des  disUnces."  Cabanis,  "Rapports  du 
physique  et  du  moral  de  Thomme  "«"• 


^ --^\^;..- -t:-.  ■ 


■^■-°t^^fV.  I 


SENSATION. 


18 


s  (in  one 
md  doubt, 
)  flight  of 
[•eadily  be 
irth  stage 
the  eye  as 
apprehen- 
hild  is  no 
6  the  bona 


btions  con- 

inse  of  the 
if  he  sees 
le  retina  is 
mess.     In- 
first  from 

bjects  at  a 
lequal  dis- 
s  not  know 
t  they  are 
le  eye,  by 
the  object 
distance  is 
iedemann's 
ed  to  seize 
."  By  the 
le  observer. 


a  vague  idea  of  distance.     But  most  observers  place  it  much 
later  than  this.     One  says:  "The  first  real  grasping  of  the 
fixated  object,  with  appreciation  of  its  distance,  was  observed 
about  the  end  of  the  fifth  month.     But  it  is  very  slowly 
acquired,  and  not  until  much  later  than  this  does  the  hand 
proceed  directly,  by  the  nearest  way,  to  the  object"*"'. 
Another  found  but  little  comprehension  of  size  or  distance 
until  the  sixth  month.     Another  reports  of  a  little  boy  that 
when  nearly  a  year  old,  he  "  saw  the  moon  and  stars,  and 
his   eagerness  to   have  the  moon  was   most  interesting. 
Night  after  night  he  would  call  for  it,  stretching  out  his 
little  hands  towards  the  window  "<"».     The  girl  F.  did  not 
look  at  anything  very  far  away  until  she  was  a  year  old. 
Another  child,  even  in  the  second  year,  "  repeatedly  mis- 
named men  or  boys  at  perhaps  twenty  yards  distance;  the 
less  familiar  person  being  almost  always  called  by  the  name 
of  the  one  better  known"*"'.      Preyer's  boy,  when  four 
months  old,  "often  grasped  at  objects  which  were  twice  the 
length  of  his  arm  from  him;  when  considerably  over  a  year 
old  he  grasped  again  and  again  at  a  lamp  in  the  ceiling  of  a 
railway  carriage,  and  when  nearly  two  years  old  tried  to 
hand  a  piece  of  paper  to  a  person  looking  out  of  a  second 
story  window,  from  the  garden  below  —  "  a  convincing  proof 
how  little  he  appreciates  distance."  * 

(c)  At  first  the  child  sees  only  colored  surface,  and  not 
figures  in  the  third  dimension.  All  objects  present  them- 
selves to  his  eye  simply  as  patches  of  color.  Gradually,  by 
the  aid  of  movement  and  touch,  he  comes  to  a  knowledge  of 
their  cubic  properties.     Hence  also  arises  by  experience  an 


1  And  yet  another  child  had  apparently  attained  a  comparatively 
correct  estimation  of  distance  by  the  end  of  her  seventh  month,  as 
she  "Invariably  refused  to  reach  for  an  object  more  than  fourteen 
inches  distont,  her  reaching  distance  being  from  nine  to  ten  inches"*". 


I 


HUM 


ItMlibi 


•ti-^li'ii'   •.irtft'l' 


IK 


14 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  CHILDHOOD. 


association  between  the  forms  and  distances  of  objects  and 
their  varying  degrees  of  luminosity,  so  that  the  child  comes 
to  interpret  the  one  in  terms  of  the  other.  Hence  the 
progress  of  the  child  in  complete  vision,  including  all  that 
is  meant  by  the  appreciation  of  perspective,  is  immensely 
facilitated  from  the  time  he  begins  to  walk,  since,  by  loco- 
motion, he  is  able  to  approach  the  object  and  bring  sight, 
touch,  and  the  muscular  sense  to  bear  upon  its  examination. 

Color  Discrimination. —Not  only  is  color  blindness 
"  notoriously  hereditary  "  as  an  abnormal  condition  in  the 
adult  ^'•",  but  it  is  the  normal  condition  of  the  new-born 
child.     Since  the  tractus  opticus  does  not  get  its  nerve 
medulla,  and  with  that  its  permanent  coloring,  until  the 
third  or  fourth  day  of  life,  there  is  probably  no  discrimina- 
tion of  colors  up  to  that  time,  but  only  of  light  and  dark- 
ness.    Moreover,  even  when  discrimination  of  colors  has 
begun,  it  proceeds  very  slowly,  and  the  investigation  is  beset 
by  difficulties.     How  are  we  to  distinguish  (e.g.)  the  mere 
feeling  of  difference  between  sensations  of  color  from  intel- 
ligent apprehension  of  the  colors  themselves?    Very  little 
can  be  done  until  the  child  can  speak,  and  even  then  new 
difficulties  present  themselves.     Tho  names  of  colors  are 
more  difficult  to  acquire  than  the  names  of  things,  because 
more  abstract.     Grant  Allen  found  that  children  of  two 
years  and  even  more,  who  knew  perfectly  well  the  names  of 
grapes,  strawberries,  and  oranges,  yet  had  no  appropriate 
verbal  symbol  for  purple,  ciimson,  or  orange,  as  a  color*"; 


»  Color  blindneas  seems  much  more  common  among  males  than 
among  females.  TesU  made  in  1879  on  nearly  thirty  thousand  stu- 
dents of  the  various  schools  in  the  city  of  Boston,  showed  that  of  the 
boys  four  in  every  hundred  were  color  blind,  while  among  the  girls 
the  proportion  was  less  than  one  in  a  thousand.  B.  Joy  Jeffers,  A.M., 
M.D.,  in  "School  Documents,"  No.  13,  Boston,  1880. 


#(>u- 


****■ 


SENSATION. 


16 


bjc'Cts  and 
lild  comes 
lence  the 
ig  all  that 
mmensely 
B,  by  loco- 
:ing  sight, 
iminatiou. 

blindness 
iion  in  the 
new-born 
its  nerve 
until  the 
liscrimina- 
;  and  dark- 
colors  has 
ion  is  beset 
)  the  mere 
from  intel- 
Very  little 
.  then  new 
colors  are 
gs,  because 
■en  of  two 
le  names  of 
ippropriate 
1  a  color  *'* ; 

;  males  than 
housand  stu- 
(1  that  of  the 
oiig  the  girls 
Jeffers,  A.M., 


and  I  have  found  in  examining  the  child-vocabularies,  which 
I  have  collected  for  the  fifth  chapter  of  the  present  work, 
that  out  of  five  thousand  four  hundred  wgrds,  only  about 
thirty  are  color  terms.  In  several  cases  the  vocabulary  of 
a  child  two  years  old  contains  not  a  single  color  word, 
though  he  habitually  employs  from  three  to  five  hundred 
words  <"".  Another  difficulty  lies  in  the  association  between 
the  color  and  its  name.  The  child  may  know  a  color  —  red 
—  perfectly  well;  and  may  also  know  the  sound  —  red, — 
but  he  may  not  be  able  to  associate  the  two  together,  so  as 
wlien  red  is  named,  to  point  it  out;  or,  when  it  is  pointed 
out,  to  name  it.  This  is  not  from  lack  of  ability  to  distin- 
guish color  from  color,  but  from  inability  to  associate  the 
color  with  the  spoken  word. 

A  girl  ten  days  old  had  her  attention  arrested  by  the  con- 
trasted colors  of  her  mother's  dress.  She  seemed  pleased 
and  smiled  **'^'.  A  boy  twenty-three  days  old  was  pleased 
with  a  brightly  colored  curtain.  Another  child  in  his 
second  month  took  notice  of  the  difference  between  bright 
colors  and  quiet  ones,  and  showed  his  preference  for  the 
former  by  smiles.  Another,  towards  the  end  of  his  second 
month,  was  attracted  by  white,  blue  and  violet,  other  colors 
lieing  indifferent.  A  girl  of  three  months  and  a  boy  of  five 
months  seemed  pleased  wifi.  some  drawings  of  a  uniformly 
gray  color  <«*>,  while  Genzmer's  boy  for  the  first  four  months 
of  his  life  seemed  attracted  only  by  white  objects,  but  after 
that  time  he  began  to  show  a  preference  for  other  bright 
colors,  especially  red.  Raehlmann  found  no  distinction  of 
similar  objects  differently  colored  until  a  good  while  after 
the  fifth  week.  Sometimes  a  strange  antipathy  to  certain 
colors  is  manifested.  In  several  cases  children  have  refused 
to  go  to  anybody  dressed  in  black. 

Experiments  in  color  discrimination,  which  involve  the 
use  of  words,  may  be  carried  on  in  two  ways.     A  color  may 


u 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 


be  named,  and  the  child  required  to  pick  that  col«,r  out  of 
several;  or  the  color  may  be  shown  him,  and  he  required  to 
name  it.     Preyer  used  both  methods,  with  the  following 
results:    In  the  twentieth  month  repeated  trials  yielded 
absolutely  no  result,  but  in  the  beginning  of  the  child's 
third  year,  the  first  correct  responses  were  obtained,  the 
result  being  eleven  right  answers  and  six  wrong  ones.     In 
this  case  he  used  two  colors,  red  and  green.     Then  yellow 
was  added,  and  at  once  took  its  place  as  the  color  most 
readily  perceived  (26th  month).     The  percentages  of  right 
answers  were:  Yellow  82,  green  77,  red  72.     Blue  was  then 
added,  with  the  following  result:  Yellow  94,  green  79,  red 
70,  blue  69.     Trials  made  a  week  later  with  five  colors 
resulted  as  follows :  Yellow  100,  violet  92,  green  90,  red  83, 
blue  42.     Then,  with  six  colors:  Yellow  96,  violet  95,  red 
84,  gray  83,  green  74,  blue  67  (26th  and  27th  months). 
Finally,  two  weeks  later,  trial  was  made  with  nine  colors, 
resulting  as  follows:  Yellow,  gray,  brown,  and  black  100, 
red  94,  violet  85,  green  36,  rose  33,  blue  23.      Preyer  carried 
these  experiments  a  good  deal  further,  and  varied   the 
method,  but  with  substantially  the  same  results.     The  sum- 
mary of  all  his  tests  up  to  the  34th  month  gives  the  follow- 
ing order  of  preferences :  Yellow,  brown,  red,  violet,  black, 
rose,  orange,  gray,  green,  blue.     When  yellow  and  red  were 
removed,  the  child  showed  less  interest.     Blue  and  green 
were  avoided,  and  mostly  named  wrong,  green  being  often 
called  "  garnix  "  ("  gar  nichts  "  =  "  nothing  at  all "). 

Binet  <"'  made  a  number  of  experiments  with  a  little  girl 
from  the  32nd  to  the  40th  month,  with  results  which  I  may 
epitomize  as  follows : 

1st  series :  Red  100,  green  61,  yellow  62. 
2nd  series:  Red  100,  blue  92,  maroon  and  rose  89,  violet 
75,  green  71,  white  62,  yellow  38. 
In  these  experiments,  the  child  was  required  to  point  out 


-itmi'i 


SENSATION. 


17 


»l<,r  out  of 
required  to 

following 
lis  yielded 
the  child's 
bained,  the 
;  ones.  In 
hen  yellow 
color  most 
es  of  right 
le  was  then 
■een  79,  red 

five  colors 

90,  red  83, 
olet  95,  red 
h  months), 
aine  colors, 

black  100, 
jyer  carried 

varied   the 
The  sum- 

the  foUow- 
iolet,  black, 
,nd  red  were 
e  and  green 
being  often 

ill"). 

i  a  little  girl 

vhich  I  may 


ise  89,  violet 
to  point  out 


the  color  named  to  her.  The  method  was  now  reversed, 
and  the  child  required  to  name  the  color  pointed  out  to  her. 
The  result  was  as  follows : 

1st  series :  Ked  100,  yellow  0. 

2nd  series :  Hlue  100,  red  96,  green  82,  rose  57,  violet  54, 
maroon  50,  white  45,  yellow  28.  (M.  Binet  says  every  time 
an  error  is  committed  with  yellow,  it  consists  in  confound- 
ing it  with  green.  He  noticed  also  that  violet  was  con- 
founded with  blue.) 

Some  remarkable  differences  may  be  noticed  between  the 
results  of  these  two  observers.  For  example,  in  the  percep- 
tion of  yellow:  while  Preyer's  child  perceived  this  color 
better  than  any  othei-,  Binet's  little  girl  had  the  greatest 
difficulty  with  it.  Also  as  regards  blue :  in  the  one  case 
this  color  stands  at  the  very  bottom  of  the  list,  while  in  the 
other  it  is  almost  at  the  top. ' 

The  greatest  uniformity  obtains  in  the  case  of  bright  and 
glaring  colors,  such  as  red.'  This  may  have  a  physiological 
basis  in  the  fact  that  when  the  eyes  are  closed  in  a  bright 
light,  red  is  the  only  color  visible. 

In  the  foregoing  experiments,  the  child  must  know  the 
names  of  the  colors  before  the  tests  can  be  made ;  and  we 
can  never  be  certain  that  the  mistakes  committed  do  not 
arise  from  confusion  of  words  rather  than  of  colors.  On 
this  account,  the  following  tests  made  by  Binet  seem  to  me 
of  far  greater  value.  Instead  of  the  "  methode  d'appella- 
tion,"  as  he  calls  the  system  just  explained,  he  adopted  here 

'  Experiments  made  by  Wolfe  on  the  school  children  of  Lincoln, 
Nebraska,  gave  results  differing  from  both  Preyer  and  Binet.  Follow- 
ing is  the  order  in  this  case:  White,  Mack  and  red  (nearly  always 
correctly  named),  then  blue,  yellow,  green,  pink,  orange  and  violet,  in 
the  order  named  (">»). 

a  Though  in  the  case  studied  by  Miss  Shimi  red  gave  a  good  deal  of 
trouble. 


:  !i 


'1: 


■-^   , 


WJWi'Bi  iaMiiiiiif''ii»*i»t»i 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


IS 

and  requiring  him  to  plcK  out  a  co  pi^eedB 

thU  way  the  name  is  not  used  at  a^l,  -°*  *;'=  ^^  ,y, 
purely  on  the  recognition  o{  f ;';/'\;i  Hbree  color, 
method  were  -f  ^v-t' m"^a.e:it  m=^e;  and 
-entir:,c:lCn-vithanin.r^a^^t^e-^^^^^ 

•        the  perception  and  the  -"S-"^"^,*  S  Xf  I^W 

■:t;"in:rg=:/rcr;i:tin.«.i.tiononhe 

color  with  the  sound  of  its  name. 
i^  Objective  INTKBPRKTATIOK.- The  understanding  on^^^^ 

„.ean  ng  of  the  visual  sensation  is  the  slowest  m  deve  op 
^rdall  the  faculties  co-cted  w.^.  t^  eye      T^^s^^ 
iect  belongs  indeed  pro^erly^^^^^^^^^^ 
and  Judgment,  and  little  n.  eu  be  ^ai^    P  ^ 

To  ^or^^^^::::^^^^^^  but  to 
advance  on  the  rudimentary    seeing  •".  j^  ^^  f rom 

understand  M  the  object  ^a  so  a.  -^^  fetw  en  it  .nd 
other  objects,  and  be  consciou    f  ^;«\^^^^^^^^        ^a.^uce. 

at  the  cost  ot  many  i-uiuu  riitiable,  often  comi- 

error,  in  judgment  that  are  »T;''"!:,^  'le  at  thi.  time, 
cal.    Feeling  and  '"''"f ''1".^  '"'  wh™h.  on  a  casual 


18  in  show- 
shuffling  it 
and  others, 
;  color.     In 
est  proceeds 
ilts  by  this 
three  colors 
made;   and 
ime  between 
ere  very  few 
ief  difficulty 
iation  of  the 


anding  of  the 
5t  in  develop- 
re.  The  sub- 
jf  Perception 
here. 

1  object,  IS  an 
object-,  but  to 
Lguish  it  from 
netween  it  ind 
rther  advance, 
and  painfully, 
,  the  result  of 
)le,  often  corni- 
ce at  this  time, 
;h,  on  a  casual 
5  work  of  judg- 

ination  of  another, 
tor  BUndpoint,  see 
!l8t  and  28th,  1893. 


SENSATION. 


19 


ment;  as  in  the  case  of  the  child  of  less  than  a  month,  who 
made  a  wry  face  at  the  sight  of  some  bitter  metlicine. 

The  first  object  to  be  recognized  is  usually  the  mother's 
face,  which  is  greeted  with  a  smile  of  pleasure  by  children 
only  a  few  weeks  old.     But  this  first  recognition  is  very 
vague  and  inaccurate,  as  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  tlie  infant 
"  recognizes  "  in  the  same  way,  at  first,  any  other  face  which 
resembles  hers  in  broad  outlines;  and  that  when  recognition 
of  the  father's  face  takes  place,  the  child  bestows  his  smile 
of  welcome  also  on  any  other  bearded  gentleman  who  hap- 
pens to  come  within  his  range  of  vision.     For  a  long  time, 
objects  are  not  grasped  as  comprehensive  wholes,  but  rather 
some  striking  feature  is  apprehended,  and  all  else  left  out 
of  account.     Hence  arise  some  of  the  very  peculiar  associa- 
tion groupings,  which  we  shall  notice  in  connection  with 
language.     From  about  the  sixth  month,  however,  evidences 
of  intelligent  comprehension  of  many  of  the  more  common 
objects  may  be  observed.     The  smile  or  nod  of  the  parents 
is  distinguished  from  that  of  strangers,  and  responded  to  in 
a  different  manner.    "Visual  impressions  connected  with  food 
and  clothing  are  quickly  and  surely  recognized*"'.     Yet 
even  much  later  than  this,  many  mistakes  are  made.     The 
child  of  a  year  and  a  half  will  try  to  pick  up  a  sunbeam 
from  the  floor,  to  grasp  his  own  reflection  in  the  mirror,  to 
pull  a  stream  of  water  flowing  from  a  sponge,  as  though  it 
were  a  string.     Even  at  the  close  of  his  second  year,  pic- 
torial representation  is  a  great  mystery  to  him,  and  he  pre- 
fers the  reality.     Sigismund's  boy,  at  two  years,  called  a 
circle  "plate,"  a  square  "bonbon,"  and  his  father's  shadow 
"papa;"  and  Preyer's  boy,  much  later  than  this,  called  a 
square  "window,"  a  triangle  "roof,"  a  circle  "ring,"  and 
several  dots  on  the  paper  "  little  birds."    Pollock  tells  of  a 
girl  nearly  two  years  old,  who,  on  seeing  a  row  of  dots  on  a 
printed  page,  thus ,  cried  out,  "Oh,  pins,"  and 


20  TUB    PSYCHOLOGY    OF   CHILDHOOD. 

,„ade  repeated  attenn-ts  to  ,.ick  them  cut-';  and  the  girl 
F.  was  observed  one  day  trying  to  "pi.-k  up"  her  lather  s 
white  protru.ling  eutf  from  what  she  supposed  was  the 
underlying  coat-sleeve,  as  she  attempted  to  grasp  the  cuff 
from  that  side,  and  seemed  much  surprised  at  her  failure. 


II 


II.    Heaking. 

The  importance  of  hearing  as  a  knowledge-giving  sense 
would  he  .liffieult  to  overestimate.  Besides  being  the  chan- 
nel of  a  large  part  of  our  knowledge,  and  the  medmm  of  a 
vast  amount  of  refined  pleasure,  the  sense  of  hearing  p  ays 
so  lar-e  a  rdle  in  the  ac<iuisition  of  language  that  a  child 
who  is  perfectly  deaf  from  birth,  does  not  learn  to  speak. 

Thk  Embryonic  Ear.  -  According  to  Quain's  Anatomy, 
the  more  important  parts  of  the  organ  of  hearing  are  formed 
by  the  involution  of  the  epiblast  from  the  surface  of  the 
head,  in  the  region  of  the  medulla  oblongata,  by  which  a 
depression  is  produced.  This  depression  gradually  deepen- 
ing, and  its  outer  aperture  becoming  narrowed,  a  flask-like 
cavity  is  formed,  which  constitutes  on  each  side  the  primary 

auditory  vesicle.  . 

The   possibility  of  hearing  in  the  intra-nterme  stage, 
depends  on  two  things,  viz. ,  the  presence  of  adequate  stimuli, 
and  the  permeability  of  those  passages  and  nerve  tracts  by 
which  sensations  of  sound  are  mediated.     As  to  the  hrs. 
condition,  there  are  probably  numerous  sounds  which  might 
produce  sensations  of  hearing  in  the  foetus,  such  as  the 
visceral  movements  of  the  mother  and  those,  of  the  foetus 
itself.     Hearing  at  this  stage  is,  however,  highly  improb- 
able, because  the  second  condition  is  not  fulfilled,     ihe 
drum  cavity  is  filled  with  a  viscous  mass,  which  probably 
prevents  the   passage   of   the   necessary  sound-vibrationa 


HUfi  ||  m*' 


SENSATION. 


21 


md  the  girl 
her  father's 
sed  was  the 
asp  the  cuff 
ler  failure. 


-giving  sense 
ing  tlie  chan- 
mediuin  of  a 
liearing  plays 
I  that  a  child 
•u  to  speak. 

in's  Anatomy, 
ng  are  formed 
lurface  of  the 
a,  by  which  a 
[lually  deepen- 
;d,  a  flask-like 
de  the  primary 

uterine  stage, 
equate  stimuli, 
[lerve  tracts  by 
\.s  to  the  first 
ds  which  might 
s,  such  as  the 
e  of  the  foetus 
highly  improb- 
fulfilied.  The 
which  probably 
Dund-vibrations 


through  the  tympanum,  even  leaving  out  of  account  the 
complete  absence  of  air  at  this  period.  The  tympanum 
itself  also  has  not,  at  this  time,  the  perpendicular  position 
which  it  afterwards  assumes,  and  which  seems  necessary  for 
the  transmission  of  sound,  but  lies  rather  in  a  horizontiil 
situation '*". 

Hearing  in  thk  New-bokn.  —  Czerney,  in  his  exi)eri- 
ments  as  to  the  comparative  soundness  of  sleep  at  different 
times,  was  unable  to  use  a  sound  stimulus  with  new-born 
children  as  he  did  with  adults,  because  of  their  failure  to 
react  to  sound-impressions;  he  was  obliged,  in  their  case, 
to  resort  to  electrical  stimulation.     Kroner  assured  him- 
self by  many  experiments  that  the  child,  in  the  first  week 
of  his  life,  reacts  distinctly  to  strong  sound-impressions, 
and  the  very  careful  experiments  of  Moldenhauer  confirm 
tliis  conclusion.     Mrs.  Talbot  says  of  one  child  that  he  was 
sensible  to  sound  three  hours  after  his  birth.     .Sigismund 
saw  the  first  evidences  of  hearing  nmch  later.*    Perez  tliinks 
there  may  be  —  through  vibration  —  something  correspond- 
ing to  a  rudimentary  and  general  sensa  of  liearing  in  the 
uterus.     Champneys   could  not  elicit  any  response  — by 
starting  or  otherwise  —  during  the  first  week,  to  any  noise, 
however  loud,  unless  accompanied  by  vibration  other  than 
air-vibration.      Kussmaul  utterly  failed  to  produce   any 
impression  in  the  first  days,  no  matter  how  loud  or  dis- 
cordant the  noise.*    He  believes  hearing  sleeps  most  deeply 


»  "  Nach  einigen  (drei  bis  acht)  Wochcn  sieht  man  das  Kind  bel 
plotzlichem  Gerausche  zusammenfahren.  Da  erkennt  mann  klar,  dass 
jetzt  auch  fUr  die  wahmehmende  Seele,  das  HephaU !  gesprochen 
ist."     "  Kind  und  Welt,"  p.  27. 

2  "  Mann  kann  vor  den  Ohren  wachender  Neugebomer  in  den  ersten 
Tagen  die  stftrksten  disharmonlBchen  Gerftusclre  machen,  ohne  dass  sie 
davon  buriilirt  werden." 


f^ynsmit^tn 


22 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  CHILDHOOD. 


of  all  the  senses.  But  he  (xuotes  Herr  Feldsbausch  assist- 
ant in  midwifery  at  the  hospital  in  Jena,  to  show  tliat  there 
was  hearing  in  many  cases  from  the  third  day.  Genzmer 
found  that  almost  all  the  children  on  whom  he  experimented, 
on  the  first  day,  or  certainly  on  the  second,  reacted  to 
impressions  of  sound;  but  the  reaction  was  unequal  in  dif- 
ferent children.  Dr.  Deneke  found  one  child  of  six  hours 
who  started  and  closed  his  eyes  tighter  at  the  sound  of  two 
metallic  covers  striking  together;  while  Preyer  observed  one 
who  did  not  react  at  all  on  the  th'rd  day,  and  another  who, 
on  tlie  sixth  day,  reacted  only  very  slightly.  Sully  noticed, 
on  the  second  day,  a  distinct  movement  of  the  head  in 
response  to  sound,  and  this  is  confirmed  by  Professor  Bald- 
win. Burdach  declares  the  child  hears  nothing  during  the 
first  week. 

On  tliese  the  following  observations  are  in  place,  and  may 
help  to  the  understanding  of  the  discrepancies : 

(1)  There  is  unanimity  on  one  point:  No  one  has  suc- 
ceeded in  proving  that  any  child  hears  anything  during  the 
first  hours.  This  corresponds  to  the  physiological  facts  that 
the  eustachian  tube  is  not  permeable,  nor  does  air  find  its 
way  into  the  middle  ear  until  some  little  time  after  respira- 
tion has  begun.  Lesser's  experiments  show  that  the  fvBtal 
conditions  of  the  middle  ear  may  indeed  persist  in  the 
prematurely  born  more  than  twenty  hours. 

(2)  Starting  in  response  to  a  loud  noise  may  often  be 
caused  by  vibrations  which  affect  the  whole  body,  and  act 
as  a  nervous  shock.  Children  are  known  to  start  on  the 
slamming  of  a  door,  when  they  make  no  suoli  response  to  a 
voice,  however  loud.  No  doubt,  in  the  first  case,  the  child 
feels  the  jar  rather  than  hears  the  noise. 

(3)  Any  further  discrepancies  not  resolved  by  these  two 
considerations,  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  differences  in 
maturity  of  different  children  at  birth,  and  the  varying 


atatiaua 


)D. 

3ausch  assist- 
low  tliat  there 
ly .  Genzmer 
Bxperimented, 
id,  reacted  to 
uequal  in  dif- 

of  six  hours 

sound  of  two 

r  observed  one 

another  who, 

Sully  noticed, 

the  head  in 
•ofessor  Bald- 
ng  during  the 

lace,  and  may 
i: 

one  has  suc- 
ng  during  the 
;ical  facts  that 
»es  air  find  its 

after  respira- 
that  the  fuetal 
)ersist  in  the 

may  often  be 

body,  and  act 

start  on  the 

response  to  a 

iase,  the  child 

.  by  these  two 

differences  in 

the   varying 


SENSATION.  28 

rapidity  with  which  the  physiological  adjustments  are  com- 
pleted. Generalizing,  we  may  say  that  the  period  of  begin- 
ning to  hear  varies,  according  to  these  circumstances,  from 
tlie  sixth  hour  to  the  third  week.  If,  in  the  fourth  week,  a 
healthy,  normal  cliild  makes  no  response  to  a  loud  sound 
beiiind  him,  there  is  reason  to  fear  that  he  will  be  deaf  and 
dumb  C'^'. 

As  regards  localization  of  sottnds,  the  ear  does  not  render 
very  much  service  in  this,  on  account  of  its  comparative 
immobility.  Even  in  the  adult,  a  sound  made  in  the  room 
above  is  with  great  difficulty  distinguished  from  a  sound 
made  in  the  room  below,  unless  some  other  circumstance 
enter  in  to  assist  in  the  determination. 

Cliampneys'  child,  on  the  fourteenth  day,  turned  his  head 
in  the  direction  of  his  mother's  voice,  but  this  was  probably 
due  as  much  to  feeling  her  breath  upon  his  cheek  as  to 
hearing,  since  he  did  not  do  it  when  her  face  was  turned  in 
another  direction.  Leaving  this  observation,  then,  out  of 
account,  I  find  that  the  period  in  which  children  are  first 
observed  to  turn  the  head  in  the  direction  of  sounds,  extends 
from  tlie  tenth  week<«>  (or  the  fifth  week,  according  to 
Alcott)  to  the  seventeenth  week'«>.  One  child  sometimes 
turned  towards  a  sound  in  the  sixteenth  week.'  Another, 
at  four  months  and  ten  days,  "always  turned  his  head 
exactly  in  the  right  direction  "  <"">.  A  third  turned  his  head 
towards  a  sound  for  the  first  time  in  the  eleventh  week,  and 
by  the  sixteenth  week  this  movement  had  assumed  all  the 
certainty  of  a  reflex  <"',  and  still  another,  when  five  months 
old,  on  hearing  the  rumbling  of  the  cars  in  the  street,  knew 
to  which  window  to  go  to  look  for  them<"'.  Schultze 
observed  that  active  hearing,  with  attention,  began  after  the 


'  Cf.  (W)  p.  109,  where  it  is  recorded  tliat  a  child  during  her  second 
month  began  to  look  at  the  piano  keys  as  the  source  of  the  sound. 


I  .^iteSvs^'*'^*"-*'^- 


i,'Ki»iiiimiitmvmtLi^ 


«fc-- 


24 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 


il! 


1  i  ';i 


lirst  half-year.  Not  only  are  there  these  differences  among 
different  children,  but  in  the  same  child  the  accuracy  of 
localization  becomes  greater  by  exercise.  The  differences  in 
time,  noted  above,  are  doubtless  in  part  due  to  variations  in 
the  rapidity  of  the  physiological  development  of  the  ear. 

By  the  end  of  the  fourth  mouth  the  normal  child  has 
made   considerable   progress   in   the   unclerstMiding  of  the 
meaning  of  sounds,  i.e.,  in  the  interpretation  of  sounds  by 
their  timbre.     1  tind  here  also   great  differences   in  the 
results  of  the  observations.     Tiedemann's  son  took  notice 
of  gestures  on  the  thirteenth  day.     Words  would  stop  his 
tears  or  call  them  forth,  according  to  the  tone  in  which  they 
were  uttered.     Another  child,  sixteen  days  old,  would  some- 
times leave  off  crying  when  his  mother  spoke  soothingly  to 
liini.     At  two  months  he  distinguished  between  the  loud 
bark  of  a  dog  and  a  coaxing  yelp,  being  frightened  by  the 
former,  bixt  ipiickly  soothed  by  the  latter.     A  girl  of  three 
and  a  half  months  "knows  when  she  is  being  scolded " <««'. 
On  the  other  haud,  out  of  one  hundred  children  observed, 
Dr.  Demme  found  only  two  who,  at  three  and  a  half  months, 
knew  their  parents'  voices"'^'.     Another  observer  reports 
that  at  two  months  iliere  was  no  apparent  appreciation  of 
ordinary  sounds,  but  children  of  four  and  a  half  months 
sometimes  recognized  a  voice*"'. 

These  differences  are,  no  doubt,  to  some  extent,  due  to 
heredity,  and  to  some  extent  produced  artihtiially  in  the 
life  of  the  individual  by  exercise.  The  average  child  appar- 
ently begins  to  comprehend  the  meaning  of  tones  from  the 
second  to  the  fourth  month. 

A  very  interesting  point  in  connection  with  the  subject 
of  the  child's  hearing,  is  his  power  to  appreciate  music.  So 
intimately  associated  is  it  with  the  development  of  his 
aisthetic  nature,  that  it  deserves  the  careful  study  of  the 
psychologist  and  the  educator. 


SENSATION. 


25 


ices  among 
lecuracy  of 
fferences  in 
iriations  in 
the  ear. 
1  child  has 
ling  of  the 
[  sounds  by 
ices   in  the 
took  notice 
ihl  stop  his 
I  which  they 
ivould  some- 
uothingly  to 
en  the  loud 
ened  by  the 
firl  of  three 
scolded  "<«•". 
en  observed, 
lalf  months, 
rver  reports 
[jreciation  of 
half  months 

ctent,  due  to 
iially  in  the 
!  child  appav- 
mes  from  the 

1  the  subject 
te  music.  So 
jment  of  his 
study  of  the 


There  are  two  chief  sources  of  pleasure  in  music:  the 
rhythmical  movement,  and  the  melody  —  the  time  and  the 
tune.  With  regard  to  the  first,  it  seems  safe  to  say  that 
no  healthy,  normal  child,  after  the  first  few  weeks,  fails  to 
appreciate  rhythmical  movements.  At  sixteen  days  one  boy 
was  soothed  by  the  gentle,  regular  movements  of  the  mother. 
These  first  musical  impressions  have  a  physiological  explana- 
tion. There  seems  almost  to  be  a  sense  of  rhythm.  Tlie 
suc(!ession  of  notes  produces  a  flow  of  blood  to  the  brain, 
and  its  energetic  excitation  redounds  in  lively  sentiments 
and  animated  movements.  Thus  music  responds  to  that 
need  of  muscular  activity  so  strong  in  the  child.  The  social 
instinct  also  enters  here:  the  child  takes  more  delight  in 
noise  and  movement  when  some  one  is  at  hand  to  participate. 

With  regard  to  the  second  point,  the  opinion  may  safely 
be  ventured  that  no  healthy,  normal  child  is  entirely  lacking 
in  musical  "ear."  I  find  no  record  of  any  child,  who  lias 
been  carefully  observed,  being  utterly  deficient  in  apprecia- 
tion of  naisical  harmonies.  In  the  vast  majority  of  cases 
the  opposite  is  the  case.  Children  almost  always,  from  a 
very  early  age,  show  a  lively  interest  in  music.  In  one 
observed  case,  a  child  of  one  month  manifested  delight  in 
singing  and  playing  '■'^K  Sometimes  children  only  two  weeks 
old  have  been  observed  to  stop  the  motions  of  their  limbs, 
and  apparently  listen,  when  a  piano  was  played  in  another 
room  ""*'.  From  six  or  seven  weeks  onward,  and  especially 
in  the  latter  half  of  the  first  year,  the  child's  pleasure  in 
music  is  often  shown  by  a  sort  of  accompanying  muscular 
movements,  which  he  seems  unable  to  repress.  The  mother's 
song  of  lullaby  is  keenly  appreciated,  and  somewhat  later 
is  even  given  back  by  the  child  in  a  most  charming  infant 
warble.  The  emotional  element  in  the  music  is  often  keenly 
distinguished.  Dr.  Brown  says  of  one  of  tlie  ijifants  ob- 
served by  her  in  New  York  city,  that  when  only  five  and  a 


yjiBfc  fi^^'^'Jii:  ■! 


26 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 


[i-  'il 
I) 


"J 


half  months  old,  he  would  cry  when  his  mother  played  a 
plaintive  air;  but  would  stop  at  once,  and  begin  to  jump 
and  toss  his  arms  about  and  laugh,  if  she  struck  into  a 
lively  melody.     There  seems  to  be,  as  some  one  has  said,  a 
sympathy  between  the  ear  and  the  voice  which  antedates 
all  experience,  and  which  is  even  to  a  large  extent  indepen- 
dent of  normal  brain-endowment.      Even  idiotic  children 
(provided  they  are  not  deaf)  who  can  speak  only  a  few 
simple  words  and  syllables,  are  able  to  sing,  and  in  singing 
they  employ  other  words  besides  those  generally  at  their 
command.     While  all  this  is  true,  it  should  also  be  remem- 
bered that  the  child's  cerebral  and  mental  endowment  is 
exceedingly  plastic,  and  that  consequently  sounds  which  at 
first  were  disagreeable  to  him  soon  become  tolerable  and  even 
pleasant.     He  accommodates  himself  to  all  sorts  of  noises 
with  far  greater  facility  than  the  adult,  and  soon  comes  to 
take  great  delight  in  any  sort  of  rude,  banging,  grating 
sounds,  especially  if  they  are  his  own  production.     Hence 
there  is  no  sense  in  the  education  of  which  greatei-  care 
should  be  taken  than  the  sense  of  hearing.     As  already 
said,  probably  all  normal  children  are  born  with  a  capacity 
for  musical  appreciation,  though  of  course  not  all  in  the 
same  degree.     Now  in  the  early  period  —  during  the  first 
four  or  five  years  of  life  —  it  is  very  easy  to  cultivate  this 
musical  capacity  or  to  destroy  it.     If  the  child  hears,  every 
day,  rasping,  grating  and  discordant  noises,  he  will  come 
very  soon  to  like  these  as  well  as  the  most  harmonious.     It 
lies  within  the  power  of  parents  and  teachers  so  to  cultivate 
the  child's  capacity  in  this  respect  as  to  minister  in  an 
incalculable  degree  to  the  happiness  of  his  life  and  the 
purity  of  his  character.* 

1  "  Comme  I'a  dit  ai  bien  le  po6te,  TorelUe  est  le  cheinin  du  coeur. 
Envelopper  I'enfant  d'une  atmosphere  de  sons  doux,  tendres  et  rfijouis- 
sants,  c'est  tratailler  &  son  bonheur  actuel,  et  c'est  faire  beaucoup  pour 
son  huineur  et  sa  inoralltfe  futures  "  (•»>. 


s^^ 


SENSATION. 


r  played  a 
n  to  jump 
ick  into  a 
has  said,  a 
antedates 
it  indepen- 
c  children 
mly  a  few 
in  singing 
[y  at  their 
be  remem- 
ownient  is 
Is  which  at 
le  and  even 
3  of  noises 
»n  comes  to 
ng,  grating 
)n.     Hence 
reater  care 
A.8  already 
a  capacity 
all  in  the 
\g  the  first 
Itivate  this 
lears,  every 
I  will  come 
onious.     It 
to  cultivate 
ister  in  an 
ife  and  the 


rain  du  coBur. 
res  et  rfijouis- 
leaucoup  pour 


III.   Touch. 

Touch  has  been  called  the  universal  sense,  because,  while 
sight,  hearing,  etc.,  have  each  a  special,  local  end-organ, 
touch  has  its  end-organs  in  every  part  of  the  body,  number- 
less nerves  of  this  sense  communicating  with  the  brain  from 
every  portion  of  the  skin.  The  importance  of  the  touch- 
sense  is,  therefore,  obvious.  Some  have  gone  so  far  as  to 
call  it  tlie  fundamental  sense,  and  have  endeavored  to  reduce 
all  the  others  to  it.  Without  going  this  far,  we  may 
readily  recognize  its  importance  in  the  mental  development 
of  the  child,  from  recorded  cases  of  children  who,  from  birtli 
or  from  an  early  age,. have  been  deprived  of  the  other  senses, 
or  the  most  important  of  them,  and  who  have,  nevertheless, 
almost  by  touch  alone,  reached  a  remarkable  degree  of  in- 
tellectual and  moral  attainment*^'.  The  field  of  the  present 
inquiry  is  covered  by  three  questions : 

(1)  As  to  the  first  beginnings  of  touch  experiences. 
(3)  As  to  the  comparative  delicacy  of  different  parts  of 
the  body.     (3)  As  to  the  education  of  touch  perception. 

(1)  All  observers  concur  in  the  opinion  that  the  sense  of 
touch  is  exercised  to  a  considerable  degree  in  the  foetal 
stage  of  existence.  Cabanis  expresised  the  opinion  that  the 
sense  of  touch  is  the  only  one  that  furnishes  the  child  in 
the  first  days  with  distinct  perceptions,  "probably  because 
it  is  the  only  one  that  has  had  any  exercise  before  birth." 
Kussmaul  believes  this  sense  is  aroused  in  ihe  embryonic 
period  by  contact  with  the  surrounding  matrix.  Perez  holds 
that  there  are  indistinct  tactile  sensations  during  the  intra- 
uterine life.  Preyer  believes  touch-sensations  are  present  at 
this  time,  though  of  far  less  intensity  than  in  the  subsequent 
life.  Sully  speaks  of  touch  as  the  first  sense  to  manifest 
itself.  Erasmus  Darwin  expressed  the  belief  that  the  foetus 
receives  through  this  sense  some  representation  of  its  own 


s<«S'"t<>iii:»^<t''iff'  iit* 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY  OF   CHILDHOOD. 


I 


:;f 


figure,  and  of  the  uterus  itself.  This  opinion  is  concurred 
in  by  nearly  all  the  authorities  quoted  in  this  connection 
here,  and  has  been  placed  beyond  doubt  by  the  experiments 
of  Kussmaul  and  Genzmer  on  prematurely  born  children,  in 
whom  they  found  the  sense  of  touch  already  in  full  opera- 
tion immediately  after  birth,  though  for  a  considerable  time 
it  is  not  accompanied  by  clear  and  definite  objective  refer- 
ence, but  is  only  a  subjective  feeling. 

(2)  Differences  in  sensibility  to  touch  impressions  among 
the  different  parts  of  the  body  are  not  so  great  at  first  as 
they  afterwards  become.  In  the  uterus,  the  surrounding 
medium  has  been  homogeneous;  but  from  the  time  of  birth 
onward,  it  becomes  more  and  more  varied,  so  that  those 
parts  of  the  body  which  are  exposed  to  contact  with  the 
external  world  become  relatively  blunted  in  delicacy,  while 
those  which  continue  to  be  more  or  less  protected  —  such  as 
the  eye  and  the  tongue  —  retain  more  nearly  their  original 
sensitiveness.  Nevertheless,  the  differences  in  delicacy 
among  the  different  parts  at  th*-.  very  first  are  surprisingly 

great. 

The  upper  surface  of  the  tongue  is  exceedingly  sensitive. 
Kussmaul  introduced  a  small  glass  rod  into  the  mouths  of 
children  just  born,  eliciting  prompt  responsive  movements, 
which  varied  in  character  according  to  the  part  touched. 
When  the  rod  touched  the  tongue  near  the  tip,  the  lips  at 
once  protruded,  the  sides  of  the  tongue  curled  up  around  the 
rod,  and  sucking  movements  followed.  When  the  rod  came 
into  contact  with  the  back  part  of  the  tongue  near  the  root, 
all  the  responsive  movements  —  expression  of  face,  mouth 
motions,  etc.  —  indicated  "  nausea."  (Similar  results  were 
obtained  by  Kroner  and  Genzmer.)  No  doubt  we  have  here 
a  sensori-motor  reflex  established  before  birth.  The  same 
is  true  in  the  case  of  the  lips,  which  share  with  the  tongue 
an  extreme  delicacy  from  the  first.     Even  the  lightest  touch 


uWMK^swMi^"*'-*''^'-*  ****' 


!i:.,>!j;'.JlW 


'^r  • 


yttew^lf.^V;-.  jt-     i  I 


SENSATION. 


29 


concurred 
30unection 
Lperimeuts 
liildren,  in 
full  opera- 
(i-able  time 
;tive  refer- 

ons  among 
at  first  as 
irrounding 
le  of  birth 
that  those 
t  with  the 
jacy,  while 
L  —  such  as 
jir  original 
n  delicacy 
iirprisingly 

f  sensitive. 

mouths  of 
novements, 
rt  touched, 
the  lips  at 
around  the 
le  rod  came 
ar  the  root, 
:ace,  mouth 
esults  were 
e  have  here 

The  same 

the  tongue 

;htest  touch 


of  a  feather  produced  sucking  movements  of  the  lips  on  the 
sixth  day '"',  and  gentle  stroking  of  the  lips  produced  the 
same  result  on  the  fifth  day  '*",  and  even  on  the  first  day  ^*^K 

One  of  the  most  sensitive  parts  of  the  body  to  toucli 
impressions  is  the  mucous  membrane  which  lines  the  nostrils. 
This  was  observed  to  be  sensitive  on  the  first  day  of  the 
child's  life.  "Tickling  of  Lhe  inner  surfaces  of  the  wings 
of  the  nose  with  a  feather  calls  from  children  first  of  all 
winking  of  the  eyelids,  stronger  and  earlier  on  the  tickled 
side  than  on  the  other;  if  the  irritation  be  increased,  the 
child  not  only  knits  the  eyebrows,  but  moves  the  head  and 
the  hands,  which  latter  it  carries  to  the  face  "  '^".  It  appears, 
however,  from  the  observations  of  the  same  authority,  that 
this  sensitiveness  of  the  mucous  membrane  is  formed  only 
towards  the  end  of  the  period  of  gestation,  since  similar 
experiments  made  on  children  born  in  the  seventh  month 
were  without  result. 

Certainly  next  in  order  of  delicacy  —  if  indeed  they  should 
not  have  been  placed  earlier  —  come  the  various  parts  of 
the  eye:  the  lashes,  the  conjunctiva  and  the  cornea.  Of 
these  three,  the  lashes  are  considered  by  Kussmaul  and 
Kroner  the  most  sensitive  to  touch  impressions.  The  former 
says :  "  The  eyelashes  are  extraordinarily  sensitive  to  even 
the  faintest  disturbances.  If  the  child,  when  awake,  has 
the  eyes  open,  one  can  press  with  a  glass  rod  even  to  the 
cornea  before  it  will  close  the  eyes;  but  should  only  one  of 
the  little  lashes  be  disturbed  in  the  least,  this  closing  of 
the  eyes  will  take  place  at  once.  The  disturbance  of  the 
eyelids  is  not  so  efficacious  by  far;  it  will  by  no  means  be 
answered  every  time  %  eye-winking,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
cilia."  He  goes  on  to  say  that  if  one  should  blow  through 
a  small  tube  of  twisted  paper  upon  the  face  of  an  infant, 
winking  will  take  place  only  when  the  stream  of  air  has 
disturbed  one  of  the  cilia.     Genzmer  and  Preyer  differ  from 


80 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OP   CHILDHOOD. 


•   i  * 


'^    I 


Kussmaul  here,  holding  that  the  cornea  is  more  sensitive 
than  the  lashes.  These  facts  ;ire  interesting  as  hearing  on 
the  question  of  priority  between  sight  and  touch  in  the  eye. 
It  has  been  frequently  noticed  that  the  child  does  not  for  a 
good  while  blink  when  a  finger  is  thrust  at  the  eye,  provided 
it  does  not  come  into  contact  with  it.  Touch-reflexes  seem, 
therefore,  to  be  developed  earlier  than  sight-reflexes. 

If  the  tip  of  the  nose  be  touched,  both  eyes  will  be  shut 
tight.  If  one  side  be  touched,  the  child  will  generally  close 
the  eye  on  that  side.  If  the  irritation  be  increased,  both 
eyes  will  be  closed  and  the  head  drawn  somewhat  back. 
This  is  an  inborn  defensive  reflex. 

If  one  tickles  the  palm  of  the  hand  of  a  new-born  child, 
the  fingers  will  close  round  the  object  with  which  it  was 
tickled'*".  The  skin  of  the  face  seems  even  more  sensitive 
still.  On  tickling  the  sole  of  the  foot,  active  reflex  move- 
ments follow,  such  as  bending  the  knees  and  hip-joints, 
curling  and  spreading  the  toes,  etc.  The  reaction  time  is 
longer,  however,  in  infants  than  in  adults,  sometimes 
amounting  to  two  seconds.  Slaps  also  are  more  effective 
than  pricks,  some  children  showing  comparative  indifference 
to  the  latter.  A  greater  number  of  nerve  ends  are  stimu- 
lated by  a  slap,  h«nce  the  more  speedy  reaction.  The 
greater  sensitiveness  of  the  adult  to  sense  impressions  in 
general  is  due  to  his  more  advanced  cerebral  development, 
and  not  to  any  superiority  in  cutaneous  or  nervous  adjust- 
ment. 

The  other  parts  of  the  body  are,  speaking  roughly,  sensi- 
tive to  touch  impressions  in  the  following  order;  The  audi- 
tory canal  (in  the  second  quarter  of  the  first  year,  the  child 
observed  by  Preyer  would  instantly  stop  crying  and  become 
very  quiet,  if  one's  little  finger  were  placed  gently  in  the 
ear  cavity),  forearm,  leg,  shoulder,  breast,  abdomen,  back, 
and  upper  part  of  thigh. 


^;ji,u6Wg 


SENSATIOX. 


it 


i  sensitive 
l)earing  on 
m  the  eye. 
1  not  for  a 
!,  provided 
exes  seem, 
xes. 

U  be  shut 
irally  close 
jased,  both 
vhat  back. 

born  child, 
lich  it  was 
•e  sensitive 
sflex  inove- 

hip-joints, 
ion  time  is 

sometimes 
re  effective 
ndifference 

are  stimu- 
;tion.  The 
)ressions  in 
ivelopment, 
rous  adjust- 

ghly,  sensi- 
;  The  audi- 
ir,  the  child 
and  become 
ntly  in  the 
)meu,  back, 


(3)  The  susceptibility  of  the  sense  of  touch  to  education 
is  very  great,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  attainments  of  those 
who  are  born  blind,  the  proficiency  they  attain  in  reading 
by  touch,  etc.  As  a  knowledge-giving  sense,  it  stands  very 
high,  contributing  much  to  the  child's  first  knowledge  of 
the  external  world,  and,  together  with  sight  and  the  muscu- 
lar feelings,  to  his  first  comprehension  of  space  and  time 
relations.  It  aids  greatly  also  in  his  acquirement  of  the 
notion  of  self  —  this  probably  at  first  tlirough  touching 
some  portion  of  his  own  body,  and  then  some  external 
thing,  and  feeling  a  difference  between  the  resulting  sensa- 
tions '"'.  liut  even  before  active  touch  has  thus  begun,  the 
foundations  of  the  child's  education  are  laid  in  passive  touch 
experiences,  which  from  the  beginning  not  only  yield  liim 
pleasure  and  pain,  but,  being  more  frequent  as  well  as  more 
varied  in  their  operations,  contribute  earlier  and  more 
largely  than  any  of  the  other  sense  experiences  to  the 
development  of  his  faculties,  and  to  his  gradual  acquain- 
tanceship with  the  world  of  objects  by  which  he  is  sur- 
rounded.' V 

IV.   Taste. 

According  to  Sigismund,  taste  is  the  first  of  all  the  senses 
to  yield  clear  perceptions,  to  which  memory  is  attached. 
Not  only  is  the  exercise  of  this  sense  connected  from  the 
first  with  the  child's  most  primitive  needs  and  their  satis- 
faction, but  it  is  more  than  probable  that,  even  in  the 
embryonic  stage,  taste  has  been  to  some  degree  aroused  by 
swallowing  the  amniotic  fluid. 

Numerous  careful  experiments  show  that  the  child  is 
capable  of  bona  fide  sensations  of  taste   in  the  earliest 


1  On  this  subject  see  Perez,  "Education  Morale  dis  le  Berceau,' 
Chap.  V. 


82 


THE    PSYOHOLOGV    OK   (Ulll.DHOOD. 


mome»ts  of  life;  an.l  that,  though  he  is  for  some  tr.ae  more 
obtuse  ami  more  uucertain  in  this  respect  than  the  adult, 
yet  when  a  sapid  obiect  is  introdueod  into  his  mouth,  the 
resulting  sensation  roally  takes  place  by  way  ot  the  gusta- 
tory bulbs  and  nerves,  and  is  not  merely  a  species  of  toucli 
sensation,  as  some  have  held. 

Kussmaul  experimented  on  twenty  children,  during  the 
Hrst  day  of  life -some  of  them  in  the  very  first  moments 
-with  the  following  results:   Solutions  of  sugar  an.    of 
quinine  l>eing  introduced  into  the  mouth  by  means  of  a  hair 
pencil -the  mixtmv  being  warmed  so  that  the  feeing  of 
temperature   should   not   affect   the   result -the   children 
respon.led  with  "the  same  mimetic  movements  which  we 
designate  among  grown  people  as  the  facial  expressions  of 
sweet  and  bitter."     They  responded  to  the  sugar  by  pro- 
tru.lin-  the  lips  in  a  spout-like  form,  pressing  tlie  tongue 
between  them,  sucking  and  swallowing.     On  the  contrary,  , 
when  the  quinine  was  introduced,  the  visage  was  distorted, 
the  eyes  closed,  the  tongue  protruded,  and  choking  move- 
ments were  made,  accompanied  by  the  expulsion  of  the  fluid 
and  active  secretion  of  saliva.     "Sometimes  the  head  was 
actively   shaken,  as   in  the  case  of  grown  people  when 
attacked  by  nausea."    These  results  were  obtained  also  in 
premature  children,  showing  that  this  reflex  arc  is  capable 
of  performing  its  functions  before  birth.    He  adds,  however, 
that  he  found  great  individual  differences  among  children, 
some   being  far  less  responsive  than  others.     Sometimes 
also  the  children  seemed  to  make  a  mistake  at  first,  as  they 
occasionally  responded  to  sugar  by  the  mimetic  movement 
for  bitter,  but  this  was  probably  only  surprise  at  the  nei« 
sensation,  as  they  very  soon  changed  it  for  the^correct  ex- 
pression.   He  found  also  by  these  experiments  that  only  the 
tip  and  edges  of  the  tongue  represent  the  ta..ting  compass, 
the  middle  of  the  back  part  yielding  no  sensations  of  taste. 


t-*<Ka^-iMiiSSia»i»-.!3.- 


;i'.ae  more 
he  lulult, 
louth,  the 
he  gusta- 
of  touch 

uring  the 

moments 
at  and  of 
s  of  !i  liair 
feeling  of 
•   chihlren 

which  we 
i-essions  of 
liv  by  pro- 
tlie  tongue 
3  contrary, 
1  distorted, 
ling  move- 
of  the  fluid 
B  head  was 
lople  when 
[led  also  in 

is  capable 
s,  however, 
ig  children, 

Sometimes 
irst,  as  they 
!  movement 

at  the  new 
5  correct  ex- 
hat  only  the 
nor  coniDasSi 

— o  r         ' 

}ns  of  taste. 


SENSATION. 


33 


Genzmer,  experimenting  on  twonty-Hvo  cliildr.-n,  most  of 
whom  were  just  born,  obtained  results  snl)stiintially  agreeing 
with  those  of  Kussmaul.  He  noticed,  however,  that  in 
many  cases  the  introduction  of  an  attenuated  solution  of 
quinine  was  responded  to  by  sucking  movenuuits,  while 
stronger  solutions  were  rejected  with  the  mimetic  for 
"bitter,"  showing  that  taste  sensibility  is  weaker  at  this 
age  than  in  the  adult.* 

I'reyer  agrees  with  tlie  above  deductions  in  every  respect, 
and  adds:  "It  is  certain  from  all  observations  that  the 
newly-born  distinguish  the  sensations  of  taste  that  are 
decidedly  different  from  one  another,— the  sweet,  sour  and 
bitter  "  •"'.  His  boy,  on  the  first  day  of  life,  licked  pow- 
dered cane  sugar,  whereas  he  licked  nothing  else.  Later, 
on  receiving  a  strange  food,  he  often  shuddered  and  dis- 
torted his  face  merely  on  account  of  the  novelty  of  the  sen- 
sation, for,  in  the  case  of  an  agreeable  sensation,  he  directly 
afterwards  desired  it,  and  received  it  with  an  expression  of 
satisfaction.  He  concludes  that  the  association  of  certain 
mimetic  contract"  ns  of  muscles  with  certain  sensations  of 

taste  is  inborn.  _     . 

The  development  of  taste-perception  in  the  infant  is  in- 
teresting and  important.  The  pleasures  and  pains  of  taste 
play  a  large  part  in  his  early  education.  The  moutli  is 
soon  made  the  test  organ  to  which  all  objects  are  carried, 
and  by  which  their  qualities  are  ascertained.  Preyer's  boy, 
on  the  second  day,  took  without  hesitation  cow's  milk 
diluted  with  water,  which,  on  the  fourth  day,  he  stoutly 
refused.  During  his  sixth  month,  he  began  to  refuse  to 
take  the  breast  (which  was  offered  him  only  in  the  night), 
because  the  sweetened  cow's  milk,  which  he  had  taken  in 


5  Tuesc  results  are  corroborated  aUo  by  Kroner,  Fehling  and  several 
others. 


■.^■n&Xa/tikiitixif^M^ 


,  ftf*  II  iM  <g».«y»*"ijy 


,    l.|M,IMII     "'» 


»^*  rt  .• -fmimtttn  m 


^^ 


84 


THE   P8YCHOLOGV   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


the  daytime,  was  somewhat  sweeter.  From  this  time 
onward,  and  especially  after  weaning,  his  disoriMiiiiation 
became  much  nicer,  and  by  the  fourth  and  fifth  years  he 
had  bet!ome  so  "  fastidious  "  that  even  the  sight  of  certain 
articles  of  diet  would  call  forth  from  him  the  mimetic 
movements  for  nausea,  choking,  etc. 

I'erez  says  the  sense  of  taste  is  very  slightly  developed  in 
the  new-liorn,  yet  it  exists.  A  cliild  observed  by  him  di.s- 
tinguished  milk  from  sweetened  water,  and  sweetened  water 
from  plain  water,  by  the  taste.  Yet  there  are  great  differ- 
ences of  gustatory  sensitiveness  among  diildren.  In  some 
cases,  a  child  of  six  months  has  been  induced  to  take  bitter 
medicine  by  a  change  in  the  color.  On  the  other  hand,  a 
child  of  two  and  a  half  months  refused  its  bottle  because  the 
milk  was  not  sweetened.  Most  children  begin  very  early 
to  detect  the  acid  taste  in  certain  substances.^ 

Yet  in  general,  children's  tastes  change  very  easily,  and 
hence  are  highly  susceptible  to  education  in  almost  every 
direction.  Moreover,  there  are  differences  in  the  same  child 
at  different  times :  the  state  of  the  health,  the  temperature 
of  the  food  (which,  according  to  Ohampneys,  is  of  more 
consequence  than  the  taste  itself),  and  many  other  circum- 
stances entering  in  to  disturb  the  gustatory  equilibrium. 


V.    Smell. 


I- 


Taste  and  smell  are  so  closely  associated  that  they  might 
almost  be  considered  together.  The  savour  of  substances 
depends,  to  a  large  extent,  on  their  odor.  These  senses 
resemble  each  other  in  the  comparative  diffuseness  of  their 
perceptions,  and  in  the  fact  that  their  sensations  are  more 


1  Dr.  Brown  thinks  this  is  the  first  taste  to  bo  recognized. 


jii^^i'-tVi\&.'i'nim«iim'«'''"W»'~ 


this  time 
tiiiiiiiiation 
h  years  he 

of  certain 
le  mimetic 

jveloped  in 
y  him  dis- 
;ened  water 
;reat  differ- 
.     In  some 

take  bitter 
ler  hand,  a 
because  the 

very  early 

easily,  and 
[most  every 
1  same  ehild 
emperature 
is  of  more 
her  circum- 
iibrium. 


they  might 
substances 
hese  senses 
ess  of  their 
IS  are  more 

9gnized. 


T 


SENSATION. 


35 


persistent,  and,  therefore,  less  clearly  distinguishable  suc- 
cessively than  those  of  the  hij^her  senses. 

In  order  to  sensations  of  smell,  there  must  V)e  air  in  the 
nasal  cavities;  hence  there  can  be  no  exercise  of  this  sense 
before  respiration  begins;  none,  therefore,  before  the  begin- 
ning of  the  post-natal  life. 

Careful  tests  upon  new-born  children,  liowever,  show  that 
they  are  susceptible  to  strong  odors  in  the  first  hours  of  life. 
Records  are  at  hand  of  tests  made  on  about  fifty  children, 
most  of  whom  were  less  than  a  day,  some  only  fifteen  min- 
utes old.  The  tests  were  made  with  asafoetida,  aqua  foetida, 
and  oleum  dipelli.  Care  was  taken  to  experiment  on  sleep- 
ing as  well  as  waking  children,  in  order  to  avoid  mistakes 
in  interpreting  the  gestures  and  facial  expressions.  The 
result  was  that  the  children  became  uneasy,  knit  the  eyelids 
more  firmly  together,  contracted  the  muscles  of  the  face, 
moved  the  head  and  arms,  and,  finally,  awoke,  sometimes 
even  with  crying.  On  the  removal  of  the  odor,  they  would 
fall  asleep  again.  These  results  were  also  obtained  in  the 
case  of  eight  months  children,  but  not  on  those  of  a  still 
more  premature  birth  '*"*. 

With  the  child's  growth,  progress  is  normally  made  in 
power  of  discrimination  by  the  sense  of  smell,  though  more 
slowly  than  in  the  case  of  the  higher  senses.  A  little  girl 
of  eighteen  hours  obstinately  refused  a  nipple  on  which  a 
little  petroleum  had  been  rubbed,  but  readily  took  the  other. 
Another  child  refused  cow's  milk  when  it  was  brought  near 
him.  Another,  at  thirteen  days,  refused  certain  medicines, 
being  guided  solely  by  their  odor.  Decisive  discrimination 
of  pleasant  from  unpleasant  odors,  with  rejection  of  the 
latter,  and  appreciation  of  the  former,  has  been  observed  in 
numerous  instances  from  the  early  part  of  the  second  month 
on;  and  during  the  second  half  of  the  first  year,  this  dis- 
crimination has  become,  with  some  children,  very  marked 


36  THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OV   CHILDHOOD. 

indeed,  a  lively  eujoymeut  of  the  scent  o£  flowers  often 
bein.'  noticeable  from  this  tune  on. 

V^th  all  this,  however,  the  sense  of  sn^ell  ^s  tar  less  acute 
in  children  than  in  adults.     They  often  appear  unaffected 
;  odo  s  which  would  be  exceedingly  unpleasan    to  the 
Iwn  person.     Further,  their  sensibility  to  smells   very 
r.uickly  be<,omes  blunted  by  repetition  or  continumice,  as   s 
Z  ca'se,  to  a  less  degree,  with  all  persons.     When  ^  e 
.xneriments   with   asafu^tida,  ete.,   described  above    wtie 
vS  d   no  responses  could  be  elicited  after  the  hrst  or 
eco  d     ial.     Even  after  the  child  has  become  keenly  ap- 
Z-Htive  of  odors,  he  seems  utterly  te  lack  that  dexterity 
the  managenient  of  the  organ  which  is  so  noticeable  in 
he  case  of  taste.     Children  well  on  in  the  second  year  of 
t^Zl  observed   to   carry  a  ^^^J^^J^  ^ 
mouth  -and  even  into  it -instead  of  to  tl-.3  nose      ihe 
"  me  uvkwardness  is  seen  in  the  management  of  the  bjeatli 
When  learning  te  smell,  they  invariably  exhale  with  great 
^goTat  first,  but  rcpiire  considerable  practice  before  they 

%:;;;tmr;eX  inferior  to  manyofthel^^^^^ 
iu  re-Mi-d  to  smell.     A  kitten,  three  days  old,     spat     a    a 
aid   wbich   had   been   licked   by   a  dog -a   -markable 
^Un  e  of  the  persistence  and  transinission  of  whut  M. 
mrwin  calls   "serviceable   associated   movements.        Ihe 
w\n    ss     f  scent  in  dogs  and  horses,  and  many  wild  ani- 
t  IP  terbial.     In  man,  on  the  other  hand,  this  sense 
s  ands  v'ry  low  in  the  knowledge-giving  scale.     Even  in 
mat  re  life,  it  gives  but  little  information  respecting    he 
cite     a^^  and  that  of  an  uncertain  character.     In  the 

ch   d        is  CO  icerned  chiefly  with  the  recognition  of  food 
Bn    it  may  well  be  that  if  this  sense  were  brought  into  as 
i^ltan  "  quisiti^^    as  the  sense  of  sight  or  hearing,  and  as 
1     h  cl  e'bestowed  upon  ita  education,  very  important 


^^  .;^g^Sj4ds**eiijeaBSJMaaXv-. 


SENSATION. 


37 


wers 


often 


,r  less  acute 
unaffected 
iaut  to  the     i 
mells  very 
uauci!,  as  is 
When  the     ' 
[ibove,  were 
the  first  or 
!  keenly  ap- 
at  dexterity 
loticeaiile  in 
cond  year  of 
jwer   to  the 
nose.     The 
f  the  bjeath. 
le  with  great 
s  before  they 

awer  animals 
"spat"  at  a 
L   remarkable 
of  what  Mr. 
aents."     The 
any  wild  ani- 
nd,  til  is  sense 
lie.     Even  in 
•especting  the 
acter.     In  the 
itiou  of  food, 
rought  into  as 
tearing,  and  as 
ery  important 


results  might  take  place  in  the  way  of  developing  a  smell- 
sensibility.' 

VI.    Tempebatube. 

There  are  two  classes  of  thermic  sensations:  1st,  passive, 
subjective  and  general,  as  when  we  say  "  I  am  cold  "  or  "  I 
am  warm."  2d,  active,  objective  and  local,  as  when  Ave 
touch  a  hot  or  cold  object  and  pronounce  it  hot  or  cold. 
Both  are  important  in  the  child's  dev^elopment,  but  the 
second  sort  lends  itself  to  experiment  more  readily  than 
the  first. 

The  sense  oi  temperature  should  not  be  confounded  with 
the  sense  of  touch;  for,  though,  like  touch,  it  is  universal, 
having  its  end  organs  scattered  all  over  the  body,  yet  the 
feeling  in  the  one  case  is  quite  distinct  from  that  in 
the  other. 

With  regard  to  the  possibility  of  sensations  of  tempera- 
ture prior  to  birth,  Luys  expresses  himself  as  follows :  "  We 
know  indeed  that  from  this  period  (the  fourth  month  of 
pregnancy)  the  foetus  is  sensitive  to  the  action  of  cold,  and 
that  we  can  develop  its  spontaneous  movements  by  applying 
a  cold  hand  to  the  abdomen  of  the  mother. "  Perez  also  is 
of  the  opinion  that  the  foetus  experiences  certain  cutano- 
thermal  sensations  from  about  this  time.  Irx3yer  takes  the 
opposite  ground,  arguing  for  the  homogeneity  of  the  uterine 
temperature,  and  the  consequent  absence  of  any  possibility 
of  comparing  sensations. 

At  all  events,  in  the  newly -born,  the  sense  of  warmth  and 
cold  develops  very  promptly.  The  gradual  cooling,  on  com- 
ing into  contact  with  the  external  world,  the  atmosphere, 

1  Mantegazza  complains  that  we  aid  our  eyes  witli  spectacles,  micro- 
scopes and  telescopes,  and  our  ears  with  trumpets,  while  the  nose  is 
entirely  neglected.    "  Die  Hygiene  der  Siune." 


88 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 


the  clothing,  tlie  bath,— all  contribute  to  the  speedy  differ- 
entiation of  thermic  sensations,  and  to  the  perception  of 
teinperatnre.  Genzmer,  in  experimenting  upon  about  twenty 
new-born  children,  found  that  there  was  active  witlidrawal 
of  the  parts -palm  of  hand,  sole  of  foot,  cheek,  etc. -to 
which  the  cold  object  was  applied.  His  experiments  are 
not  entirely  satisfactory,  however,  since  sufficient  care  was 
not  taken  to  exclude  touch  sensations  from  participating. 

Satisfactory  observations  as  to  the  development  of  the 
temperature  sense  are  very  scarce.     Treyer  found  that  the 
warm  bath  was  enjoyed  almost  from  the  first,  but  the  cold 
bath  was  disliked  until  the  child  learned  by  experience  its 
refreshing  effects.     The  lii)S,  tongue  and  mucous  membrane 
of  the  mouth  were  surprisingly  sensitive  to  warmth  and 
cold,  even  in  the  first  days.     The  child  would  refuse  milk 
of  a  temperature  only  slightly  higher  or  lower  than  that  of 
the  mother.     Still,  on  the  whole,  the  infant  suffers   less 
from  extremes  of  temperature  than  the  adult,  in  whose  case 
the  faculty  of  judgment  enters  to  aggravate  the  sensation. 
An  interesting  point  in  this  connection  is  the  gradual 
variation  between  the  "neutral  point"  in  the  tongue  and 
cavity  of  the  mouth,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  external  parts, 
such  as  the  hand,  on  the  other.     In  the  former  it  remains 
through  life  almost  the  same  as  before  birth,  while  in  the 
latter  it  gradually  lowers  by  contact  with  the  surrounding 
medium. 


VII.   Obganic  Sensations. 


i 


By  this  is  usually  meant  those  comparatively  vague  and 
general  feelings  of  comfort  and  discomfort  arising  from  cer- 
tain conditions  of  the  viscera,  as  distinguished  from  deH- 
nitely  located  feelings  resulting  from  excitation  of  the  special 
sense  organs.     Hunger  and  thirst  may  serve  as  examples  of 


I 


iiSriiylii&r 


rfHi'lMi. 


■    >«..T  ..--it,-.."   -im-   •^..Jr.^.Si^.^ 


edy  differ- 
ception  of 
out  twenty 
withdrawal 
,  etc.  —  to 
iinents  are 
t  care  was 
jipating. 
ent  of  the 
id  that  the 
It  the  cold 
)erience  its 
1  membrane 
rarmth  and 
refuse  milk 
;han  that  of 
suffers   less 
whose  caae 
e  sensation, 
the  gradual 
tongue  and 
;ernal  parts, 
r  it  remains 
irhile  in  the 
surrounding 


y  vague  and 
rig  from  cer- 
d  from  deH- 
of  the  special 
examples  of 


SENSATION. 


39 


visceral  discomfort,  and  the  feeling  of  satiety  that  follows 
the  taking  of  nourishment  as  an  example  of  visceral  comfort. 
We  shall  also  consider  here  feelings  of  pain  in  general, 
whetlier  produced  by  external  or  internal  stimuli. 

The  question  of  the  possibility  of  pain  experiences  before 
birtli  may  perhaps  be  considered  settled  by  Prayer's  investi- 
gations on  fcEtal  guinea  pigs  and  dogs  (see  "  Physiology  of 
the  Embryo  ").  He  obtained  reactions  which  showed  this 
sensibility  to  be  present.  The  reactions,  however,  Avere 
very  much  slower  than  in  the  subsequent  stages  of  life; 
showing  either  that  the  sensibility  to  pain  is  nmch  lower  in 
the  foetal  stage  than  subsequently,  or  that  pain  reflexes  are 
not  firmly  established  at  this  time.  Other  investigators 
have  found  indeed  that  in  the  case  of  the  very  immature 
fuetus,  the  prick  of  a  pin  produced  no  response,  although  in 
thtj  mature  child,  distinct  reactions  took  ])lace,  by  cries  and 
ements,  to  strong  mechanical  or  electrical  stimulation, 
he  fact  that  the  new-born  child  is  capable  of  pleasure 
and  pain  also  corroborates  the  view  that  his  physiological 
apparatus  is  already  adjusted  before  birth  to  this  sort  of 
experience. 

Kussmaul  has  made  some  observations  which  go  to  show 
that  very  soon  after  birth,  from  the  sixth  hour  on,  but  vary- 
ing much  in  different  children,  the  infant  "  is  accustomed  to 
betray  distinctly  that  it  is  visited  by  a  sensation  which  we 
must  interpret  as  hunger  or  thirst,  probably  a  mixture  of 
both."  Thi"  feeling  is  expressed  by  uneasy  motions  of  the 
head  and  hands,  sucking  movements,  and  crying.  One  child, 
in  the  sixth  hour  of  her  life,  would  turr.  her  head  with  sur- 
prising quickness,  first  to  one  side  and  then  to  the  other,  in 
order  to  take  into  ttie  mouth  and  suck  the  finger  with  which 
the  observer  stroked  her  on  each  side  of  her  face  in  succes- 
sion, though  he  took  care  that  in  stroking  the  finger  should 
not  touch  her  lips  <*■". 


l^ 


&.i?^yitet**wr*i?'-'««a**trfi'rt*-n!r**»'»-"- 


,c^M■^-'iW<*  iMfW/q*** 


40 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OP  CHILDHOOD. 


I 


Treyer  observes  that  hunger  and  thirst  assert  themselves 
in  sucking  movements  from  the  tirst.  Very  soon  the  cry  of 
Imnger  is  distinguishable  from  the  cry  of  pain,  being  car- 
ried on  with  more  intervals  and  in  a  lower  tone,  while  the 
tongue  is  held  in  a  peculiar  manner,  being  drawn  back  and 
si)rcad  out.  The  hungry  infant  he  also  observed  to  move 
its  head  from  side  to  side  in  a  way  not  seen  in  any  other 
circumstances.  Gradually  the  child  becomes  relatively  less 
absoilu'd  in  the  satisfaction  of  hunger.  From  the  fifth 
month,  he  can  be  diverted  from  eating  by  new  noises  and 
mnviMuents.  From  the  tenth  month,  his  eating  is  not  so 
hurried  and  greedy.  Tliis  is  partly  owing  to  the  fact  that 
at  this  age  he  takes  more  food  at  a  time,  the  stomach  being 
very  much  larger  than  at  first. 

For  the  rest,  but  few  observations  have  been  made.  The 
child  experiences  organic  sensations  of  pleasure  and  pain 
(the  pain  possibly  predominating  in  the  earliest  period)  in 
connection  with  the  digestive,  respiratory  and  circulatory 
processes:  pleasure  in  their  normal  functioning,  pain  when 
the  organs  are  fatigue*'  or  diseased.  Pleasures  in  general 
are  expressed  by  the  widely  open  and  "swimming"  eyes,  by 
the  smile,— which,  according  to  Darwin,  occurred  for  the 
first  time  as  a  real  smile  on  the  forty-fifth  day,— and  by 
"crowing,"  joyful  tones  of  voice;  pains  by  tightly  closed 
eyes,  mouth  drawn  down  at  the  corners,  and  later  by  the 
quadrangular  form  of  the  mouth  in  crying,  while  the  cry 
itself  varies  according  to  the  cause.  The  child  is  much 
more  easily  fatigued  than  tlie  adult,  and  during  the  first  few 
days  passes  most  of  the  time  in  sleep. 

VIIT.   Muscular  Feehnos. 

We  assume  that  in  the  normal  condition  all  muscular 
movements  arc  accompanied  by  muscular  feelings.     It  is  a 


7aaaMiWui*a#*Wit«M*iw*liw 


;hemselves 
the  cry  of 
being  car- 
,  while  the 
\  back  and 
(I  to  move 
any  other 
itively  less 
1  the  fifth 
noises  and 
f  is  not  so 
le  fact  that 
iiach  being 

lade.  The 
8  and  pain 
;  period)  in 
circulatory 
pain  when 
in  general 
g  "  eyes,  by 
red  for  the 
>r,— and  by 
[litly  closed 
iter  by  the 
lile  the  cry 
Id  is  much 
the  first  few 


'i 


11  muscular 
igs.     It  is  a 


SENSATION". 


41 


sort  of  "internal  touch"  spread  all  over  the  body,  and 
intiniiittdy  associated  witli  locomotion  and  prehension,  witli 
expansion  and  contraction,  witli  prcssiuv,  weight,  resist- 
ance, etc.  It  also  includes  the  "  feeling  of  the  .stale  of  the 
musclivs  when  at  rest."  So  closely  connec^tcd  with  the 
child's  activity,  its  bearing  on  the  rise  of  will  is  obvious. 

Tliat  the  child's  muscles  are  called  into  [ilay  during  the 
later  months  of  his  ante-natal  life,  in  a  great  variety  of 
movements,  is  so  fully  established  as  to  require  here  only  a 
passing  word.  It  has  been  supposed  by  some  that  the  f(etus 
is  incited  to  muscular  movenu'uts  by  the  tedium  of  his 
unchanged  position.  It  seems  better,  however,  to  suppose 
that  now,  as  at  a  later  time,  there  is  an  instinctive  necessity 
for  movement.  The  child  is  ex(reedingly  active.  To  move 
his  muscles  is  for  him  an  absolute  necessity,  and  the  wisest 
methods  in  chiM  training  are  tho.se  whicii  recognize  this 
fact,  and,  instead  of  repressing  his  a(^tivity,  direct  it  into 
the  best  channels. 

Though  nuiscular  feelings  are  ]n'csent  thus  early,  they  are 
probably  very  vaguely  apprehended  by  the  child  during  the 
first  month  of  his  life.  By  the  end  of  the  third  nuinth, 
however,  a  vast  number  of  these  feelings  have  become  asso- 
ciated with  visual  sensations,  by  means  of  troordinated 
movements  of  the  neck,  arms  and  eyes.  About  this  time 
also  begins  the  discernment  of  weight,  though  the  ap£)recia- 
tion  and  comparison  of  different  weights  are  probably  later 
attainments.  The  healthy  child  experiences  the  keenest 
pleasure  in  the  exercise  of  his  muscles.  One  observed  case 
may  stand  for  many.  A  little  boy,  in  his  fourth  month, 
Avas  observed  to  hold  hjs  toy  rabbit  up  by  the  ears,  crowing 
proudly,  in  evident  enjoyment  of  the  ett'ort  <"'.  It  is  likely, 
as  Ferrier  says,  that  the  muscular  fetding  of  effort,  by  which 
weight  is  discerned,  is  first  discriminated  in  connection  with 
the  movements  of  respiration. 


mwiwinnwiniwiiirnn  ^ 


■  mt  mvmVff^iitismfi 


42 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


From  about  the  middle  of  the  first  year,  the  healthy  child 
develops  a  remarkable  propensity  to  seize,  lift,  pull,  and 
otherwise  handle  all  objects  that  come  within  his  reach. 
This  is  to  be  attributed  partly  to  natural  curiosity,  but  more 
particularly  at  this  early  period  to  the  constitutional  need 
of  exercising  the  muscles,  to  which  he  yields  almost  uncon- 
sciously. As  soon  as  he  is  able  to  walk,  the  range  of  his 
muscle-activity  is  vastly  extended,  and  from  this  time  forth, 
his  experiences  in  this  connection  play  a  large  and  important 
part  in  his  education.* 


1  For  further  remarks  ou  muscular  movement,  vide  infra,  Chap.  IV. 


my^^ffi^^itmm^ 


ilthy  child 
pull,  and 
his  reach. 
,  but  more 
ional  need 
ost  uncon- 
uge  of  his 
bime  forth, 
important 


a,  Chap.  IV. 


CHAPTER  II. 


EMOTION. 


The  principle  of  transformation,  which  is  exemplified  in 
almost  every  fact  recorded  in  the  preceding  chapter,  is  still 
more  clearly  illustrated  in  those  departments  of  the  mental 
life  which  we  have  yet  to  consider.  In  studying  the  emo- 
tions of  children,  for  example,  we  shall  observe  that  in  the 
earlier  stages,  Avhen  intellectual  comprehension  (which  is 
essential  to  the  emotions  of  the  grown-up  person)  can  by  no 
means  be  presumed  to  be  present,  yet  the  outward  manifes- 
tation —  movement,  facial  expression,  etc.  —  resembles  very 
closely  that  of  the  adult,  or  the  older  child.  It  seems 
unphilosophical  to  class  the  phenomena  of  these  two  periods 
together  under  a  common  name,  and  our  only  excuse  for 
doing  so  is  that  the  one  shades  off  so  gradually  into  the 
other  that  to  establish  a  rigid  line  of  distinction  seems 
impossible.  We  shall,  therefore,  consider  both  the  stages 
under  the  head  of  emotion,  only  premising  that,  in  the 
absence  of  active  thought,  these  appearances  can  only  be 
accounted  for  as  the  response  of  the  organism  to  pleasurable 
or  painful  feeling.  But  later,  when  the  mind  asserts  itself, 
and  the  human  being  begins  to  understand  the  cause  of  the 
feeling,  and  to  interpret  the  gestures  of  others  as  the  expres- 
sion of  their  feelings,  emotion,  in  the  strict  sense  of  that 
word,  arises.  The  same  physiological  expressions  continue 
to  be  employed,  because  through  habit  they  have  become 
easier  than  any  others,  while  their  employment  in  the  first 
stage  may  be  accounted  for  on  the  principle  of  heredity. 

43 


44 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


I.    Fkak. 

Tlipse  remarks  are  s{)ecially  true  in  the  case  of  fear, 
whose  luanifestation  is  at  first  quite  indepeutlent  of  tliought, 
and  of  specitic  experiences  (as  in  the  case  cited  by  Perez  of 
convulsive  tremblings,  even  in  the  foetus  in  certain  circum- 
stances), but  which,  as  a  true  mental  phenomenon,  requires 
both  tliese  for  its  full  development. 

We  have,  then,  two  stages  of  fear:  First,  the  fear  that  is 
independent  of  hurtful  experiences,  and  must  be  considered 
hereditary;   and  secondly,  the  fear  that  is  produced  by  a 
mental  image  of  the  danger.     The  former  is  very  marked 
in  the  lower  animals.     When  Spalding  let  loose  a  hawk 
siuldenly  over  a  brood  of  young  chickens  in  a  meadow,  they 
immediately  "crouched"  and  hid  themselves  in  the  grass, 
wiiile  the  mother  hen  attacked  the  foe  with  tremendous 
viblence,  though  neither  she  nor  her  brood  had  ever  seen  a 
hawk  before.     A  dovc^  let  loose  in  the  same  way,  produced 
no  such  result.     So  the  child,  when  only  a  few  weeks  old, 
will  start  and  cry  at  any  sudden  sound  or  strange  sight, 
quite  independently  of  experience.     He  shrinks  from  cats 
and  dogs,  without  ever  having  been  injured  by  them ;  he  is 
afraid  of  falling,  before  he  has  ever  fallen,  and  trembles  at 
the  sight  of  large  and  majestic  objects,  such  as  the  ocean, 
when  he  looks   upon  tliem   for  the  first  time'"*.     Many 
infants  cry  when   it  thunders,  though  they  do  not  at  all 
understand  what  it  is,  and  experience  a  shock  —  just  as  some 
nervous  adults   do  —  when  a  door  closes  with  a  bang,  or  an 
object  falls  upon  tlie  floor.     They  contract  all  the  muJi^les 
of  the  body  nervously  when  suddenly  lowered  through  the 
air    in   the   nurse's   arms.     They   sometimes  shrink  from 
people  dressed  in  black,  and  from  those  who  speak  in  deep 
sepulchral  tones.     A  little  girl,  slightly  over  two  months 
old,  appeared  terrified  on  beholding  a  distorted  face;  she 


•HiiMM 


se  of  fear, 
of  thought, 
ay  I'eroz  of 
ain  circuiii- 
m,  requires 

fear  that  is 
!  considered 
duced  by  a 
ery  marked 
Dse  a  hawk 
eadow,  they 
L  the  grass, 
tremendous 

ever  seen  a 
y,  produced 
r  weeks  old, 
•ange  sight, 
s  from  cats 
tliem;  he  is 

trembles  at 
1  the  ocean, 
!  <">,  Many 
)  not  at  all 
just  as  some 

bang,  or  an 
the  muJi6les 
through  the 
ihrink  from 
)eak  in  deep 
two  months 
ad  face;  she 


EMOTION. 


45 


cried  out,  and  sought  protection  in  her  mother's  arms.  "  It 
was  long  before  she  was  restored  to  her  accustomed  tran- 
(luillity  — the  vision  reappeared  in  memory,  haunted  her 
fancy,  and  brought  tears  to  her  eyes  "  *'«".  A  child  of  seven 
mouths  seemed  afraid  when  a  fan  was  opened  and  closed 
before  iiini;  another  at  a  loud  snoring  noise  which  he  heard 
for  the  first  time.  A  boy  of  ten  months  was  frightened  by 
a  squeaking  toy;  he  soon,  however,  became  accustomed  to 
the  sound,  and  even  took   pleasure  in  making  it  squeak 

himself '«'. 

In  this  early  period,  most  children  seem  more  afraid  of 
sounds  than  of  sights.     Sigismund  says  fear  develops  from 
the  time  of  the  development  of  the  ear.     They  are  usually 
afraid  of  tliunder,  but  scarcely  ever  of  lightning.     A  child 
who  started  nervously  when  a  box  of  comfits  was  shaken 
before  him,  made  no  such  sign  when  the  empty  box  was 
shaken'"*.     One  may  thrust  with  the  linger,  as  we  have 
seen,  quite  close  to   the  open  eye  of  an  infant,  without 
causing  him  to  blink,  while,  if  one  speaks  to  him  in  a  harsh 
or  loud  tone,  he  will  cry.     A  little  child  has  been  known  to 
lie  smiling  in  his  cradle,  surrounded  by  the  flames  of  a 
burning  house;  but  when  rescued,  has  b:  nken  out  into  loud 
cries  of  fear  at  the  noise  of  the  engines  and  the  shouting  of 
the  assembled  crowd. 

Eye-fear,  however,  soon  develops,  and  strange  sights  as 
well  as  sounds  startle  and  frighten  the  child.  We  have  a 
very  ancient  example  of  this  in  the  Iliad,  where  Hector  is 
described  as  bidding  his  wife  and  child  farewell  before  going 
out  to  the  fight.  When  he  reached  out  his  arms  for  the 
child,  the  latter  cried  out,  and  hid  his  face  in  the  bosom  of 
the  nurse,  frightened  by  his  father's  gleaming  bronze,  and 
the  helmet  crested  with  horse-hair.  Sigismund  describes 
his  child  as  showing  fear  of  a  sleeve  board,  by  association 
with  the  glowing  "goose,"  and  also  at  the  sparks  from  a 


40 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY  OF   CHILDHOOD. 


I 


blacksmith's  forge.  There  are  also  touch-fears.  The  little 
girl  F.  started  back  when  her  hand  came  i?  >  contact  with 
some  soft  fur.  The  suddenness  of  the  sensation  apparently 
had  more  to  do  with  her  fear  than  the  quality  of  the  feeling, 
for  she  soon  lost  lier  fear  of  this  article. 

Quite  different  from  al]  this  is  the  fear  shown  by  a  child 
in  the  presence  of  an  c  uject  which  has,  on  some  former 
occasion,  caused  him  ;jainful  feeling.  Preyer's  boy,  at 
nineteen  montlis,  screamed  at  the  sight  of  the  cold  bath  and 
simnge,  from  Avhich  he  had,  on  a  previous  day,  received 
unpleasant  sensations.  Here  the  idea  causes  the  fear,  mem- 
ory cooperates,  and  child  has  become  susceptible  to  fear  in 
the  strict  sense.  This  probably  might  have  been  observed 
earlier. 

The  plasticity  of  the  child's  nature  renders  him  susceptible 
to  impressions  which,  in  many  cases,  remain  with  him 
through  life.  Fear  of  the  dark,  fear  of  the  woods,  fear  of 
being  alone,  are  often  inculcated  by  unwise  nurses  and 
teachers,  and  remain,  in  some  cases,  ineradicably  fixed  in 
the  constitution.  Mosso  tells  of  an  old  soldier  who,  on 
being  asked  what  had  been  his  greatest  fear,  replied :  "  I  am 
nearly  seventy  years  of  age.  I  have  looked  death  in  the 
face  many  times,  and  never  felt  fear;  but  whenever  I  pass 
a  little  church  in  the  shadow  of  a  wood,  or  a  deserted  chapel 
in  the  mountains,  I  always  remember  an  abandoned  oratory 
in  my  native  village,  and  am  afraid.  I  look  around,  as  if  I 
were  about  to  see  the  corpse  of  a  murdered  man  which  I 
saw  in  my  infancy,  and  with  which  an  old  servant  threatened 
to  shut  me  up  in  order  to  quiet  me." 

The  child  from  three  to  seven  years  is  very  liable  to  have 
dreams  of  exceeding  vividness,  and  if  he  wake  suddenly  out 
of  a  deep  sleep,  his  face  will  often  bear  signs  of  great  fear, 
as  though  he  saw  an  apparition.  The  eyes  stare  straight 
ahead,  he  fails  to  recognize  persons,  he  breaks  out  into 


teMaAoMM 


The  little 
ontact  with 
apparently 
the  feeling, 

1  by  a  child 
ome  former 
r's  boy,  at 
lid  bath  and 
ty,  received 
!  fear,  mem- 
e  to  fear  in 
en  observed 

I  susceptible 
1  with  him 
)ods,  fear  of 
nurses  and 
uly  fixed  in 
ier  who,  on 
lied :  "  I  am 
eath  in  the 
ever  I  pass 
erted  chapel 
med  oratory 
)und,  as  if  I 
nan  which  I 
t  threatened 

able  to  have 
luddenly  out 
f  great  fear, 
are  straight 
ks  out  into 


BMOTtON. 


47 


perspiration,  his  heart  beats  hard  and  his  limbs  tremble. 
These  nocturnal  fears  may  become  so  strong  as  to  cause 
veritable  attacks  of  epilepsy  '**'. 

Sometimes  a  new  fear  is  developed  by  sickness.     Some 
children  seem  morbidly  timid  and  fearful,  while  others  sel- 
dom sliow  signs  of  fear  in  any  form.     As  the  child's  educa- 
tion progresses,  his  fear  increases  in  some  directions,  and 
decreases  in  others;   as  he  learns,  on  the  one  hand,  that 
certain  objects  which  he  supposed  harmless  are  really  harm- 
ful, and  on  the  other,  that  some  which  he  at  first  esteemed 
dangerous,  will  do  him  no  injury.     In  other  words,  it  is 
only  a  commonplace  to  say  that  fear  is  both  increased  and 
diminished  by  advancing  knowledge.     The  man  is  more 
afraid  of  a  loaded  pistol,  and  less  afraid  of  an  empty  one, 
than  the  child. 

II.   Anger. 

Anger  (which,  according  to  Plato,  is  one  of  the  natural 
attributes  of  the  soul,  and  closely  akin  to  courage)  is  evil 
only  in  its  abuse.     In  a  moderate  degree,  it  is  the  index  of 
a  just  and  sensitive  temperament,  and  a  force  which  educa- 
tion should  direct  and  not  annihilate.     "In  my  opinion," 
says  Perez,  "a  child  of  ten  months  who  does  not  weep  or 
cry  at  \east  four  or  five  times  a  day,  who  is  not  amused, 
and  who  is  not  irritated,  like  a  savage,  or  a  young  animal, 
by  a  mere  trifle  ("  pour  une  bagatelle  "),  is  lacking  in  sensi- 
bility and  in  intelligence,  and  will,  no  doubt,  be  lacking  in 
character,— bury  him;  he  is  dead."     "It  is  necessary,"  he 
goes  on  to  say,  speaking  of  the  education  of  the  child  in  this 
regard,  "to  surround  the  cradle  with  an  atmosphere  of 
sweet  serenity,  but  it  is  not  always  necessary  to  hide  anger. 
Just  anger  should  be  shown,  but  with  moderation  "  <»>. 
It  is  difficult  to  say  when  the  child  first  feels  anger, 


48 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY    OF   CHILOHOOn. 


bficaiisf  its  outward  signs  are  at  first  very  easily  coiifoundefl 
with  tiiose  of  pain  or  distress.     Mr.  Sully  thought  he  saw 
manifestations  of  anger  at  the  very  outset  of  life,  in  a  little 
girl,  who,  "  in  refusing  to  aecept  the  nutriment  provided  by 
nature,  showed  all  the  signs  of  i)assionate  wrath."     Mr. 
Darwin  noticed,  in  a  child  eight  days  old,  frowning  and 
wrinkling  of  the  skin  around  the  eyes  brfore  crying;  but  he 
adds,  "tliis  may  have  been  pain  and  not  anger."     In  the 
third  month,  lie  tiiought  he  observed  signs  of  real  anger,  and 
ill  the  fourth  month  he  had  no  doubt  about  it,  for  the  blood 
rushed  into  the  face  and  scalp.     Tiedemann's  son  gave  evi- 
dence of  anger  in  the  second  month  by  actively  pushing  away 
the  disagreeable  object.    Hy  the  eighth  month,  he  was  quite 
capable  of  violent  anger  and  jealousy.     Verez  believes  he 
has  seen  signs  of  impatience  at  the  end  of  the  first  month, 
if  not  earlier;   and,  in  the  second  month,  real  fits  of  pas- 
sion, pushing  away  distasteful  objects,  frowning,  redden- 
ing, trembling  and  weeping.     At  six  months,  children  will 
scream  if  their  toys  are  taken  away,  and  towards  the  end  of 
the  first  year,  anger  sometimes  exhibits  itself  in  revengeful 
actions  hurtful  to  themselves,  such  as  beating  a  chair,  etc.<">. 
A  child  of  seven  months  screamed  with  rage  because  a  lemon 
slipi>ed  out  of  his  hand;  and  at  eleven  months,  if  a  wrong 
plaything  were   given  him,  he  would  push   it   away  and 

beatit<«>. 

Up  to  a  certain  age,  almost  all  children  are  exceedingly 
irascible,  and  I  know  of  no  particular  in  which  the  familiar 
analogy  of  the  child  to  the  savage  is  more  strikingly  shown. 
The  child  is  a  little  savage.  His  will  and  reason  are  weak, 
his  passions  are  strong,  comparatively  speaking,  and  he  is 
ruled  by  his  feelings.  So  it  is  with  savage  races.  They 
are  proverbially  passionate;  and  the  progressive  effects  of 
civilization  upon  a  race,  leading  them  gradually  to  control 
the  impetuous  and  unreasonable  rage  which  characterized 


'^    II  iiiiiifinf'^irlSrf'' 


■MMMWWflMMMH 


mmL&b. 


;oii  founded 
^Ut  he  saw 
,  in  a  little 
rovided  by 
nth."     Mr. 
wiling  and 
ng;  but  he 
•."     In  the 
anger,  and 
r  tlie  blood 
n  gave  evi- 
ishingaway 
e  was  quite 
believes  he 
irst  month, 
fits  of  pas- 
ng,  redden- 
lildren  will 
3  the  end  of 
I  revengeful 
liair,  etc.<">. 
tuse  a  lemon 
,  if  a  wrong 
c  away  and 

exceedingly 
the  familiar 
ngly  shown. 
)n  are  weak, 
g,  and  he  is 
aces.  They 
ve  effects  of 
ly  to  control 
siiaracterized 


_^* 


EMOTION. 


49 


the  earlier  stages  of  their  civilization,  is  strikingly  analo- 
gous to  the  wisi'  training  of  the  human  being  from  the 
irascibility  of  the  child  to  the  calmness  and  moderation  of 
the  educated  man. 

III.    SuKi'uiSE,  Astonishment,  Curiosity. 

Surprise  and  astonishment  are  closely  relu'ed  to  fear; 
novelty  of  impression  and  failure  to  understa  i:l  bei  ig  the 
underlying  causes  in  all  three.' 

Surprise  and  astonishment  are  not  identical.  The  former 
may  be  described  as  an  active  state,  the  latter  as  a  passiv*; 
one.  The  child  who  is  only  surprised  maintains  control  oi 
his  muscles,  and  examines  the  strange  object  with  the  clos- 
est attention,  while  the  astonished  cliild  suddenly  loses  voli- 
tional control,  and  remains  fixed  in  the  attitude  in  which  i!-o 
strange  impression  overtook  him,  with  wide-open  mouth  and 
eyes.  In  the  one  case  there  is  activity  and  movem<nu,  in 
the  other  a  sort  of  paralysis. 

Srirprise  has  been  observed  in  a  child  one  week  old,  who 
stared  at  his  own  fingers  with  great  attention.  Doubtless 
he  had  never  noticed  them  before'"'.  From  this  time 
onward,  wonder  is  constantly  manifested  at  pictures  on  the 
wall,  sunbeams  dancing  on  the  floor,  the  fire  crackling  on  the 
hearth,  and  especially  at  the  movements  of  animate  beings. 
The  infant  gazes  long  and  steadily  at  these  strange  phe- 
nomena. A  little  girl  of  less  than  a  month,  on  being  taken 
downstairs  into  new  quarters,  stared  round  in  great  wonder 
for  a  time,  but  this  soon  passed  away  '*"**. 


1  "The  most  powerful  agent  in  the  development  of  the  understand- 
ing at  the  beginning  is  astcniahment,  together  with  the  fear  that  is 
akin  to  It."  Preyer.  "Sometimes  wopd-ir  passes  into  awe,  or  even 
fear."    Sully. 


pi-astetmimmi 


■rwHTfn-^r"-— "r-"""- 


50 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILnHOOD. 


Astonishment  makes  ^ts  appearance  later.     The  following 
are  Preyer's  observations  on  this  point:    In  the  twenty- 
second  week,  the  child  was  struck  with  astonishment  when 
his  father  suddenly  appeared  and  spoke  to  him  while  they 
were  riding  in  a  railway  carriage.     In  his  sixth  and  seventh 
months,  the  same  thing  occurred  at  the  sight  of  a  stranger 
in  the  room.     The  child's  eyes  opened  wide,  his  lower  jaw 
dropped,  and  his  body  became  motionless.     In  the  eighth 
and  ninth  months,  these  symptoms  were  still  more  pro- 
nounced, but  it  was  noticed  that  astonishment  was  mani- 
fested generally  at  sights  and  sounds,  and  not  at  impressions 
of  taste  and  smell.     The  child  manifested  astonishment  at 
the  opening  and  shutting  of  a  fan  (31st  week);  at  the  imi- 
tation of  the  voices  of  animals  (34th  week);  at  a  strange 
face  (44th  week);    at  a  new  sound  (52d  week),  and  at  a 
lighted  lantern  seen  on  awaking  (58th  week).     Along  with 
the  gestures  described  there  was  sometimes  the  sound  of 
"-ih  "  made  by  involuntary  expiration  of  breath.     By  the 
end 'of  the  second  year,  these  signs  of  astonishment  became 
more  rare,  as  the  child  grew  more  accustomed  to  strange 
sense-impressions. 

It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  peculiar  manner  of  express- 
ing this  emotion,  as  well  as  most  of  the  others,  is  entirely 
original  with  the  child  himself.  He  expresses  astonishment 
in  this  way  before  he  has  had  any  opportunity  of  imitating 
the  gestures  of  others.  These  gestures,  therefore,  must  be 
the  result  of  instinctive  tendencies,  which,  by  virtue  of 
heredity,  have  become  fixed  in  the  human  race,  as  they  are 
everywhere  the  same  *'*'*. 

M  Egger  emphasizes  the  close  relationship  between  the 
feeling  of  wonder  and  the  religious  sentiment,  and  holds 
that  the  child  is  by  nature  predisposed  to  religious  ideas, 
whose  germs  he,  in  fact,  brings  into  the  world  with  him. 
M  Perez,  on  the  other  hand,  following  Spencer,  maintains 


aiiiiMiWi* 


mmm 


mm 


le  following 
the  twenty- 
iment  when 
I  while  they 
and  seventh   i 
I  a  stranger 
is  lower  jaw 
L  the  eighth 
1  more  pro- 
fa  was  mani- 
;  impressions 
mishment  at 
;  at  the  imi- 
at  a  strange 
k),  and  at  a 
Along  with 
bhe  sound  of 
ath.     By  the 
iment  became 
id  to  strange 

sr  of  express- 
rs,  is  entirely 
astonishment 

of  imitating 
jfore,  must  be 

by  virtue  of 
56,  as  they  are 

p  between  the 
mt,  and  holds 
eligious  ideas, 
irld  with  him. 
cer,  maintains 


EMOTION. 


61 


that  there  is  no  innate  iredisposition  in  the  child  to  look 
beyond  the  natural  to  the  supernatural,  and  that,  apart  from 
training  and  example,  the  religious  ideas  would  never  take 
root  in  his  mind.  In  the  absence  of  conclusive  evidence  on 
the  point,  all  opinions  must  be  merely  hypothetical.  It 
may,  however,  be  suggested  that  if  the  familiar  analogy 
between  the  infancy  of  the  individual  and  that  of  the  race 
is  to  hold  here,  we  must  accept  M.  Egger's  position,  since 
almost  all  savage  races  are  deeply  religious,  abounding  in 
ideas  of  the  supernatural. 

Closely  allied  to  the  sentiment  of  wonder  is  that  of  curi- 
osity. This  is  a  natural,  spontaneous  tendency,  which  might 
perhaps  be  more  fittingly  classed  under  the  head  of  intellect, 
but  for  the  fact  that,  in  the  very  young  child,  its  es^-^ntial 
character  is  feeling.  It  consists  of  a  sort  of  chronic  hunger 
for  new  sensations,  which  impels  the  child  constantly  to 
handle,  examine,  taste,  and  otherwise  experiment  upon  all 
objects  that  come  within  his  reach.  The  little  boy  R.  used 
to  try  to  untie  every  parcel  that  was  brought  in.  It  is  a 
purely  sensuous  impulse  at  first,  but  with  the  expansion  of 
the  intellect,  it  is  transformed  into  the  pure  desire  to  know. 
It  permeates  the  piny  of  the  child,  which,  as  Sigismund 
says,  is  like  the  experimentation  of  the  scientist,  by  which 
he  elicits  from  nature  the  answers  to  his  questions.  It  is 
one  of  the  most  powerful  factors  in  the  child's  development, 
and  should  be  guided  into  right  channels,  rather  than  dis- 
couraged, by  the  educator. 

Tiedemann  believed  curiosity  was  developed  in  his  son  in 
his  second  month ;  the  eyes  made  an  effort  to  follow  a  new 
or  curious  object.  Perez  saw  evidences  of  curiosity  almost 
from  the  beginning,  and  at  two  months  the  child  "would 
stretch  out  his  hand,  and  turn  his  eyes  and  ears  tov,fards 
objects  affecting  his  senses.  At  three  months  he  would 
seize  objects  within  reach,  and  shake  them  al)out  to  amuse 


l^i-yf»X':f*'M" 


\ 


-«^ViB«|<'JJ'-|wp* 


62 


THK    PSYCHOLOGY   OF   ( HHiDHOOD. 


himself."  From  this  time  on,  and  especially  from  the  time 
he  begins  to  walk,  everything  within  reach  becomes  the 
object  of  constant  study.  The  acquisition  of  language  adds 
greatly  to  his  resources  in  this  respect.  "His  little  voice, 
a  hundred  times  in  an  hour,  expresses  a  desire,  or  asks  a 
question,  and  that,  not  so  much  through  need  of  knowing 
what  things  are,  ...  as  through  the  appetite  for  fresh  and 
new  sensations.  So  powerful  does  this  impulse  become 
that  sometimes  the  child  is  sad,  or  even  sick,  if  it  be  not 
gratified  "  '«'. 

M.  Taine  calls  attention  to  the  significant  circumstance 
that  this  curiosity,  which  is  so  powerful  a  force  in  child 
life,  is  not  found  in  the  lower  animals.     "Any  one  may 
observe  that  from  the  fifth  or  sixth  month,  children  employ 
their  whole  time  for  two  years  or  more  in  making  physical 
experiments.     No  animal,  not  even  the  cat  or  dog,  makes 
this  constant  study  of  all  bodies  within  its  reach.     All  day 
long  the  child  of  wliom  I  speak  —  twelve  months  old  — 
touches,  feels,  turns  about,  lets  drop,  tastes,  and  experi- 
ments upon,  everything  she  gets  hold  of,  whatever  it  may 
be  —  ball,  doll,  coral  or  plaything.     When  once  it  is  suffi- 
ciently known,  she  throws  it  aside;  it  is  no  longer  new;  she 
has  nothing  further  to  learn  from  it,  and  so  has  no  further 
interest  in   it"<*".     It  will  be  noticed  here  that  Taine 
assigns  a  larger  part  to  the  intellectual  than  does  Perez. 
He  says  physical  need  and  greediness  count  for  nothing. 
It  is  pure  curiosity.     "It  seems  as  if,  in  her  little  brain, 
every  group  of  perceptions  was  tending  to  complete  itself, 
as  in  that  of  a  child  who  makes  use  of  language."    But  the 
little  girl  observed  by  Taine  was  a  year  old,  and  by  that 
time,  no  doubt,  cui    sity  was  beginning  to  assume  more  of 
an  intellectual  character. 


iMli 


the  time 
omes  the 
lage  adds 
tie  voice, 
or  asks  a 

knowing 
fresh  and 
e  become 
it  be  not 

jumstance 
J  in  child 
one  may 
3n  employ 
g  physical 
og,  makes 
All  day 
ths  old  — 
id  experi- 
rev  it  may 
it  is  suffl- 
r  new ;  she 
no  further 
;hat  Taine 
oes  Perez, 
r  nothing, 
ttle  brain, 
ilete  itself, 
"  But  the 
id  by  that 
ne  more  of 


EMOTION. 


IV.    jEsthetio  Feelings. 


53 


As  early  as  the  forty-fifth  day,  Mr.  Darwin  noticed  a  real 
smile  of  pleasure,  "which  must  have  had  a  mental  origin." 
It  was  observed  when  the  infant  was  looking  at  his  mother, 
and  also  during  the  act  of  nursing;  and  was  quite  different 
from  the  so-called  smiles  which  had  been  seen  prior  to  that 
time,  in  being  accompanied  by  a  more  intelligent  expres- 
sion, and  by  the  sparkling  and  "swimming"  of  the  eyes. 

It  is  not  to  be  presumed  that  every  laugh  of  the  young 
child  proceeds  from  a  comprehension  of  the  humorous.  The 
first  laugh  is  probably  —  like  the  first  vocal  utterances  — 
only  the  spontaneous  functioning  of  the  organism.  Yet  it 
is  maintained  by  careful  observers  that  the  sense  of  fun  is 
present  in  some  children  three  montlis  old ''"  .  About  this 
age  they  may  be  greatly  amused  by  such  little  games  as 
throwing  a  pinafore  over  the  head  and  suddenly  withdraw- 
ing it,  and  by  the  familiar  gambols  of  hide-and-peek.  Later 
they  show  great  pleasure  at  being  carried  on  one's  shoulder, 
swung  about  in  the  air,  or  tossed  up  to  the  ceiling.  They 
laugh  most  heartily  while  the  fun  lasts,  and  are  very  unwill- 
ing that  it  should  stop  <*''. 

Something  has  already  been  said  on  the  subject  of  musical 
appreciation  in  children.  Mr.  Darwin,  who  observed  in  his 
child  a  fondness  for  the  piano  as  early  as  the  fourth  month, 
considers  the  feeling  of  pleasure  in  music  as  the  first  of  the 
aesthetic  sentiments,  unless  the  appreciation  of  bright  colors 
comes  earlier.  Another  child,  at  five  months,  showed  signs 
of  pleasure  when  singing  was  going  on,  and  even  kept  a  sort 
of  time  with  his  body,  bvit  was  indifferent  to  whistling  '•*"'. 
Another  observer  places  the  pleasure  in  musical  sounds  as 
early  as  the  second  month,  and  in  another  case  the  child  was 
observed  at  eleven  weeks  to  pucker  up  his  lip  a  little  when 
the  piano  was  being  played  '^^K     I  have  frequently  observed 


:  [  ^.i.1  CI  IT-'  >■  I'j  'T' '  1  'n  r  -^i  '-^'^-  '■  ■ '''  ratify -""f" — ^-^i "  .'"V""  i  -  ■  — ' 


ly  i^-ij  *■-•! 


■.f»il.y»l  ^<»..tfm'»t'>.i''jf*^ 


54 


THK  P8YCHOLOOY  OF  CHILDHOOD. 


this  fondness  for  music  at  a  later  age,  when  the  chUd  will 
crowd  close  to  the  piano,  and  show  his  appreciation  by- 
rocking  his  body  to  and  fro.  Appreciation  of  expression  in 
music  is,  however,  almost  entirely  lacking  at  this  time,  and 
requires  education  to  develop  it. 

Sense  of  Material  Beauty. — The  child  at  first  con- 
fuses the  beautiful  with  what  is  pleasant.     Animated  move- 
ment at  the  sight  of  beautiful  things  is  at  first,  no  doubt, 
only  response  to  pleasant  feeling.     There  is  no  understand- 
ing of  form,  color,  etc.,  as  beautiful  or  otherwise.     This 
pleasure,  in  certain  sensations,  however,  is  one  of  the  foun- 
dation stones  upon  which  the  aesthetic  sense  of  material 
beauty  is  afterwards  to  be  built.     From  about  the  eighth 
month,  there  have  been  observed  the  beginnings  of  this 
feeling  in  the  pleasure  shown  by  the  child  in  personal 
adornment.     But  even  now  the  aesthetic  and  the  sensuous 
are  blended  in  the  pleasure  a  child  feels  in  the  new  dress 
or  hat.     "  Pretty  "  and  "  good  "  are  interchangeable  terras 
in  his  mind.     At  thirteen  months  he  will  snatch  at  hap- 
hazard among  a  heap  of  toys,  seeming  not  to  discriminate 
at  all  among  them  as  to  beauty;  and,  at  a  much  later  period, 
a  child  taken  out  to  the  country  gives  no  evidence  of  any 
appreciation  of  bhe  beauties  of  the  landscape,  but  is  attracted 
rather  by  some  new  or  strange  object  —  especially  if  it  be 
an  animal,  or  something  that  moves.     Symmetry  in  form 
and  harmony  in  colors  make  but  little  impression  on  him. 
Here,  as  in  music,  he  demands  quantity  rather  than  quality, 
movement  rather  than  expression.     Yet  these  words  must 
not  be  understood  as  denying  to  the  young  child  all  aesthetic 
feeling.     Beautiful  objects,  if  they  are  not  too  largfe,  nor  too 
distant,  please  him.     He  is  charmed  by  the  pretty  butterfly 
and  the  pretty  flower;  he  is  greatly  attracted  by  the  human 
face,  and  by  the  expression  of  the  human  eye. 


Mkr" 


iiild  will 
ition  by 
Bssion  in 
ime,  and 


irst  con- 
3d  move- 

0  doubt, 
lerstand- 
e.  This 
the  foun- 

material 
le  eighth 
}  of  this 
personal 
sensuous 
lew  dress 
ble  terms 

1  at  hap- 
jriraiuate 
5r  period, 
!e  of  any- 
attracted 
(T  if  it  be 
'  in  form 
.  on  him. 
ti  quality, 
)rds  must 
1  aesthetic 
;fe,  nor  too 
r  butterfly 
he  human 


EMOTION. 


m 


The  dramatic  instinct  is  very  strong  in  childhood,  though 
stronger  and  earlier  in  some  children  than  in  others.  Chil- 
dren are  born  actors.  Their  lively  imagination  and  strong 
hereditary  tendency  to  imitation  lead  them,  even  before 
the  Hrst  year  of  their  life  has  gone,  to  perform  many  curi- 
ous movements  and  gestures.  In  their  plays,  children  con- 
stantly personify,  represent,  dramatize,  assume  characters, 
and  assign  fictitious  characters  to  other  persons  and  things  "**. 
An  eminent  teacher  in  Toronto  assures  me  that  his  three 
cliildren,  in  their  play,  almost  always  address  each  other  by 
assumed  names,  and  the  play  is  carried  on  in  make-believe 
characters,  which  are  dropped  as  ."loon  as  the  game  is  over, 
and  never  referred  to  at  any  other  time.' 

v.    Love,  Sympathy,  Jealousy,  etc. 

If  we  may  judge  by  the  smiles  which  an  infant  bestows 
upon  those  who  have  charge  of  him,  affection  for  persons 
arises  very  early.  These  smiles  have  been  observed  before 
the  end  of  the  second  month,  and  even  at  a  much  earlier 
period.  The  earliest  smiles  are  probably  automatic,  as 
already  said,  but  by  the  end  of  the  fourth  month  there  is  no 
longer  any  doubt  that  persona  are  recognized.  A  little  boy 
of  this  age  was  observed  to  lift  up  both  arms  towards  his 
parents,  "with  an  indescribable  expression  of  longing""*'. 
A  girl  of  the  same  age  used  to  be  fond  of  lying  beside  her 
sister,  their  faces  touching.  After  her  sister  died  (she  was 
then  five  months  old),  she  seemed  very  lonely,  and  when 
she  met  other  children  of  her  own  age,  she  would  greet  them 
with  smiles  and  kisses  '^'.     In  another  case  visible  signs  of 


>  It  sei'TTis  best  to  postpone  any  further  remarks  on  thiu  subject, 
until  th)  iinaginatiou  is  taken  up  in  regular  order.  See  infra, 
Cliap.  III.  sec.  IV. 


■»i3»-'ai!>  I  »»■<■■*  1^'^ 


>iirinftiwrj!aiaaft<>KLiQ»itw  -^i'fiIft-;i'^'V'"y'l»'-''^ 


56 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OP  CHILDHOOD. 


affection  for  persons  whom  he  knew,  were  shown  by  a  boy 
eight  months  old,  and  another  boy,  who,  when  nine  months 
old,  used  to  return  his  father's  caresses  by  a.  r' arming  smile 
and  gentle  stroking  of  his  father's  face,  had  grown  very 
affectionate  and  sympathetic  by  the  time  he  was  fourteen 
months  old,  and  bestowed  his  caresses  in  abundance,  not 
only  on  his  parents  and  friends,  but  on  the  cat  and  dog 
also*^'.     Spontaneous  expression  of  affection  is,  in  many 
cases,  indeed,  first  shown  about  the  beginning  of  the  se>      1 
year.     One  child  of  this  age  kissed  his  nurse  repeatedly  ou 
lier  return  from  a  short  absence,  and  another  was. in  the 
liabit  of  sliowiug  his  alfection  for  certain  persons  by  gently 
laying  his  hand  upon  their  faces  or  shoulders.     Affection 
for  animals,  and  even  for  inanimate  objects,  is  also  very 
strong  in  many  children  of  this  age.     The  little  boy  R.  was 
remarkably  attached  to  an  old  scarf  of  soft  wool,  and  to  a 
couple  of  rag  dolls.     He  would  not  go  to  sleep  without  them, 
but  would  lie  in  his  cradle  and  call  for  them  until  they  were 
brought,  when  he  would  hug  them  up  in  his  arms,  and  fall 
asleep  chattering  and  cooing  to  them  in  a  charming  manner. 
When  he  got  into  any  trouble,  especially  if  his  mother  pun- 
ished him,  he  would  run  and  bury  his  face  in  the  old  scarf, 
and  weep  out  his  childish  sorrows  into  its  symi)athetic  folds. 
The  memory  of  the  little  child  is  comparatively  weak, 
and  his  experience  short;   and  hence,  though  capable  of 
strong  affection,  that  affection  does  not  persist  long  in  the 
absence  of  its  object.     "  Out  of  sight,  out  of  mind,"  is  true 
in  the  case  of  the  child  during  his  first  year,  and  relatively 
true  to  a  much  later  period.     He  is  incapable  of  "  homesick- 
ness," with  all  its  suffering,  simply  because  he  is  unable  as 
yet  to  form  mental  pictures  of  home  and  friends  who  are 
absent.     He  lives  in  the  present  rather  than  the  i)ast,  in 
the  realm  of  sense  rather  than  that  of  memory.     For  the 
same  reason,  his  love  for  persons  and  places  is  very  plastic, 


mmmimmitim 


mmmm 


EMOTION. 


67 


<y  a  boy 
I  months 
ng  smile 
wn  very 
fourteen 
mce,  not 
and  dog 
in  many 
le  sei .    '1 
itedly  ou 
IS. in  the 
iy  gently 
Affection 
ilso  very 
)y  R.  was 
and  to  a 
3ut  them, 
;hey  were 
,  and  fall 
J  manner, 
ther  pun- 
old  scarf, 
itic  folds, 
jly  weak, 
apable  of 
)ng  in  the 
I,"  is  true 
relatively 
liomesick- 
unabie  as 
is  who  are 
e  past,  in 
For  the 
ry  plastic, 


and  may  be  moulded  and  directed  into  almost  any  desired 
channel  during  these  early  months  and  years;  hence  the 
responsibility  resting  on  those  who  are  entrusted  with  his 
earliest  education  in  home  and  school. 

Sympathy.  — There  are  two  reasons  why  sympathy  as  a 
characteristic  of  cliildhood  should  be,  during  the  hrst  few 
months,  so  weak  as  to  be  almost  entirely  lacking.     The 
first  is  that  the  child's  life  at  this  time  is  so  full  of  his 
own  personal  needs  that  he  can  pay  but  little  attention  to 
those  of  others;  the  second,  that  he  is  as  yet  unable  to 
comprehend  the  outward  signs  of  feeling  in  others,  because 
of  the  shortness  of  his  own  experience.     It  seems  probable 
that  some  of  the  earliest  manifestations  of  apparently  sym- 
pathetic feeling  may  be  merely  the  result  of  sensori-motor 
suggestion*".     Sigismund  noticed  the  first  signs  of  sym- 
pathy at  the  end  of  the  first  three  months,  but  Tiedemann 
says  his  boy,  when  only  two  months  old,  made  sympathetic 
responses  when  consoled  by  the  usual  vocal  expressions. 
Mr.  Sully  has  observed  the  same  thing.      In  another  case 
a  boy  six  months  old  drew  a  melancholy  face,  with  mouth 
depressed,  when  his  nurse  pretended  to  cry  <*".     At  seven 
months,  another  child  manifesced  decided  altruism,  and 
seemed  desirous  of  sharing  his   pleasures  —  with  the  ex- 
ception of  food  —  with  others.    In  another  case  a  child  of 
eight   months   cried  when   some   one    pretended  to  whip 
his  nurse,  and  another  child  of  nearly  the  same  age  made 
a  mournful  whining  noise,  accompanied  by  the  facial  ex- 
pression of  "crying,"  on  hearing  another  child  cry,  and 
also  when  a  minor  chord  was  struck  on  the  piano  '^'.     Dur- 
ing the  second  year,  sympathy  becomes  so  strongly  estab- 
lished that  its  outward  evidences  are  sometimes  seen,  even 
on  occasion  of  the  imaginary  sufferings  of  inanimate  objects, 
and  pictorial  representation  of  suffering.     A  child  of  this 


Ba  i^Mi]»L«^a4  aifjii  ■*^'>.'" 


68 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OP   CHILDHOOD. 


age  cried  when  her  dolly  was  "hurt."  Sympathy  with 
Jiuinan  beings  is,  liowever,  usually  much  sti'onger  than  ani- 
mal sympathy.  A  child  of  one  year,  who  returned  home 
after  a  short  absence,  took  no  notice  wliatever  of  the  cat 
or  dog,  but  at  once  recognized  his  nurse  and  the  other  mem- 
bers of  the  family  with  pleasure.  The  strength  of  liuman 
symi)athy,  and  the  need  of  it  in  the  child,  is  seen  in  the 
fact  that  when  he  is  hurt,  lie  rarely  cries,  unless  there  is 
some  one  near  at  hand  to  hear  him. 


Jealousy.  — Children  are  naturally  selfish  and  egotistic. 
It  lias  been  said  that  the  "  meum  and  tuum  "  are  very  much 
confused  in  the  young  child's  mind.  Perhaps  it  may  be 
better  said  that  his  idea  of  "tuum"  scarcely  exists,  while 
his  notion  of  "  meum "  is  enormously  exaggerated.  The 
proprietary  instinct  is  very  strong  in  some  children,  and 
this  enters  largely  into  the  feeling  of  jealousy.  "  The  need 
of  play  engenders  the  desire  of  possession"  —  i.e.,  of  the 
playthings  —  and  this  in  turn  gives  rise  to  the  instinct  of 
property;  hence  jealousy.  Tiedemann's  son  did  not  want 
his  sister  to  sit  in  his  chair  or  put  on  his  clothes,  but  he 
would  freely  take  hers.  "  Jealousy  depends  in  general  on 
temperament,  and  is  often  the  index  of  a  very  keen  sensi- 
bility, though  showing  itself  also  in  children  of  a  calm  dis- 
position. It  is  easily  confounded  with  envy,  desire,  wish 
to  possess,  need  of  being  noticed,  etc.  It  opens  the  way  for 
hatred,  falsehood,  dissimulation;  in  certain  feeble  natures 
it  leads  to  discouragement "  "*'. 

"The  child  of  three  months  shows  by  various  signs  a 
proprietary  interest  in  the  breast;  handles  it  as  his  own, 
and  is  jealous  if  it  be  given  to  another.  Later  he  demands 
it  with  still  more  'authority  '  "  <•*'.  "  At  three  and  a  half 
months,  little  Mary  is  jealous  in  the  extreme,  and  cries  if 
her  sister  sits  upon  the  mother's  lap  "  "•*.    From  the  eighth 


athy  with 
than  ani- 
rned  home 
of  the  cat 
ther  niem- 
of  Imman 
'en  in  the 
s  thei-e  is 


I  egotistic, 
very  much 
it  may  be 
ists,  while 
ited.  The 
Idren,  and 
"  The  need 
'..€.,  of  the 
instinct  of 
I  not  want 
les,  but  he 
general  on 
teen  sensi- 
\  calm  dis- 
Bsire,  wish 
he  way  for 
)le  natures 

us  signs  a 
3  his  own, 
le  demands 
a,nd  a  half 
md  cries  if 
the  eighth 


EMOTION. 


59 


month  another  child  gave  every  evidence  of  jealousy  in 
similar  circumstances;  grew  very  angry,  and  tried  to  drive 
the  usurper  away.  A  little  girl  of  ten  months  would  cry 
"  in  a  distressful  way,  not  expressing  anger,  but  disappointed 
desire,  if  the  nurse  took  another  child  upon  her  knee." 
She  would  not  be  appeased  except  by  being  taken  up.  It 
would  not  do  to  take  her  on  one  knee,  and  the  other  child 
on  the  other;  she  must  have  sole  possession  '**'.  Little  R. 
insists  on  being  a  sharer  in  any  caresses  that  may  be  going 
forward  between  his  parents.  Darwin  saw  plenty  of  evi- 
dence of  jealousy  from  the  fifteenth  month,  and  observes 
that  it  would  probably  be  found  earlier.     So  also  Perez. 

The  jealousies  of  children  need  careful  treatment.  They 
are  often  augmented  and  rendered  morbid  by  injudicious 
conduct,  and  thoughtless  words  of  praise  and  blame  on  the 
part  of  grown-up  people.  Carefully  treated,  this  feeling 
may  be  developed  into  self-respect  on  the  one  hand,  and  a 
proper  altruism,  or  "jealousy  for  others,"  on  the  other,  and 
thus  contribute  much  to  the  child's  moral  education.* 


1 "  la  der  Kiudheit  und  aiu  f  rolieu  Morgen  des  Lebens  lebt  der  Mensch 
eigentlich  nur  sich  selbst ;  da  bildet  sicli  durch  '  Leben  fUr  sich,'  der 
Kiirper  uijd  die  Seele  zum  '  Leben  fUr  sich  und  fUr  andere.'  "  i*) 


"■\ 


iV«i<ryWi.,i 


CHAPTER  III. 


INTKLLECT. 

Most  of  the  phenomena  described  in  the  preceding  pages 
involve  thought  in  a  greater  or  less  degree;   yet  in  the 
earliest  experiences,  mental  activity  is  at  a  minimum;  the 
aifective  predominates  over  '.he  presentative,  and  the  repre- 
sentative occupies  but  a  very  small  place.     Yet  it  seems 
incorrect  to  say,  with  Nasse,  that "  mind  comes  first  at  birth, 
and  the  first  breath  is  the  earliest  mark  of  intellect; "  or 
with  Hey f elder,  that  the  first  cry  is  the  sign  of  awakening 
mind;  or  with  Karl  Vogt,  that  the  n^wly-born  possesses  no 
trace  of  intelligence.     Kuasmaul  seems  nearer  the  truth  in 
the  following:  "It  cannot  be  doubted  that  man  comes  into 
the  world  with  an  idea  —  a  dark  one  to  be  sure  —  of  an  outer 
something,  with  a  certain  idea  of  spa«e,  with  the  possibility 
of  localizing  certain  touch  sensations,  and  with  a  certain 
mastery  over  his  movements.     How  can  it  otherwise  be 
explained  that  the  hungry  child,  before  it  is  suckled,  not 
only  seeks  nourishment,  but  seeks  it  in  that  region  where 
its  sense  of  touch  during  the  search  is  actively  excited? 
These  astonishing  actions  can  only  be  comprehended  under 
the  following  suppositions :  First,  that  Ihe  child  has  already 
gained  the  dim  idea  of  an  outer  something  which  is  able  to 
remove  the  unpleasant  sensation  of  hunger  or  thirst,  and 
which,  to  that  end,  must  come  through  the  mouth;  secondly, 
that  he  is  able  to  decide  the  place  from  which  the  sensation 
of  stroking  came;  and  thirdly,  that  he  has  already  learned 

60 


■»^'<^'wi<l'yjiii*"^*»ig<«ii*1|»gw 


,V:--' 


ding  pages 
yet  in  the 
imum;  the 
.  the  repre- 
st  it  seems 
•st  at  birth, 
ellect ; "  or 
awakening 
assesses  no 
he  truth  in 
comes  into 
of  an  outer 

possibility 
li  a  certain 
iherwise  be 
luckled,  not 
jgion  where 
ly  excited? 
snded  under 
has  already 
ih  is  able  to 

thirst,  and 
i;  secondly, 
he  sensation 
iady  learned 


INTELLECT. 


61 


to  turn  the  head  voluntarily  to  'he  one  side  or  to  the 
other  "  <«>. 

It  is  not  possible,  within  the  present  limits,  eitlior  to  give 
a  detailed  exposition  of  the  nature  of  the  thouglit  process, 
or  to  trace  the  intellectual  development  on  into  tl>e  maturer 
years.  For  these  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  numerous 
standard  works  on  psychology  in  general.  Here  we  can  only 
attempt  to  collate  facts  calculated  to  throw  liglit  on  the  first 
budding  of  the  intelligence,  and  to  trace  each  phenomenon 
only  to  that  stage  at  which  it  may  be  said  to  be  fairly 
"under  way."  The  intimate  relation  between  thought  and 
language  also  makes  it  advisable  to  postpone  much  that 
might  be  said  here,  until  we  come  to  the  consideration  of  the 
latter  topic' 

Observation  of  intellectual  development  is  hampered  by 
two  difficulties,  which  render  great  caution  necessary.  In 
the  first  place,  the  combined  influence  of  heredity  and 
environment  produces  such  wide  individual  differences 
among  children,  that  no  general  conclusions  can  be  safely 
expressed  until  a  very  large  number  of  cases  have  been 
observed.  (Certainly  nothing  exhaustive  or  final  can  be  said ' 
at  the  present  time.)  In  the  second  place,  even  the  most 
careful  observer,  watching  one  child,  is  apt  to  be  misled  by 
certain  deceptive  appearances,  and  to  give  the  child  credit 
for  a  good  deal  that  he  does  not  really  know.  "  They  do 
clever  things,  and  say  brilliant  words,  by  imitation  and 
accident,  not  knowing  the  meaning  of  them  "  *■**.     In  this 


» The  relation  of  thought  and  language  has  perhaps  never  been 
more  aptly  expressed  than  by  Sir  W.  Hamiltofl  in  the  following : 
"  Language  is  to  the  mind  precisely  what  the  arch  is  to  the  tunnel. 
The  power  of  thinking  and  the  power  of  excavation  are  not  dependent 
on  the  word  in  the  one  case,  nor  on  the  mason  work  in  the  other ;  but 
without  these  subsidiaries  neither  process  could  be  carried  on  beyond 
its  rudimentary  commencement."    Lectures,  Vol.  8,  p.  138. 


iMj^)g$f'i»»ik.^  ■   '  **»  ■ 


1. 1  f  f  ■  *  fitrm^-tm^"^ 


62 


THE  I'SYCHOLOUY  OF  CHILDHOOD. 


way  many  a  eliild,  supposed  to  be  a  prodigy,  does  not  at  all 
excel  others,  except  in  a  ([uiokness  of  imitation.  When  you 
want  him  to  "show  off,"  he  fails  you,  simply  because  the 
words  do  not  mean  the  same  to  him  as  they  do  to  you,  and 
liis  use  of  them  is  largely  mechanical.'  The  cliild's  act  may 
resemble  ours  outwardly,  but  the  sentiment  underneath  the 
act  may  be  very  different.  G.  8.  Hall  says:  "Not  only  are 
children  prone  to  imitate  others  in  their  answers,  without 
stopping  to  think  and  give  an  independent  answer  of  their 
own,  but  they  often  love  to  seem  wise,  and,  to  make  them- 
selves interesting,  state  what  seems  to  interest  us  without 
reference  to  truth,  divining  the  lines  of  our  interest  with  a 
subtlety  we  do  not  suspect."  In  interpreting  the  phenomena 
here  recorded,  great  care  is  necessary  to  avoid  an  inaccurate 
estimate  of  their  intellectual  value. 


I.    Perceptiox. 

In  the  process  of  perception  —  which  may  be  simply 
defined  as  "that  act  of  the  mind  by  which  real  external 
things  become  known  through  the  senses"*^*  —  there  are 
three  stages,  distinguished  from  each  other  qualitatively, 
though  not  chronologically.  First,  the  simple  feelings  of 
the  senses  are  differentiated.  Changes,  quantitative  and 
qualitative,  are  felt  and  known.  The  child  recognizes  the 
difference  between  a  sweet  taste  and  a  bitter  one,  for 
example.  He  could  not  describe  the  difference  even  if  he 
could  speak,  but  is  simply  aware  of  it.  Secondly,  the  sensa- 
tions are  localized.  A  definite  "  whereness  "  is  attributed 
to  them.     This  involves  the  recognition  of  space  properties 


1  As  Rousseau  says  in  Emile :  "  Un  instant  vous  diriez :  C'est  un 
gfinie,  et  I'instant  d'aprfts:  C'est  un  sot.  Vous  vous  tromperiez 
toujours:  C'est  un  enfant." 


'jfmmhv*m»mtt!ti' 


'.a  not  at  all 
When  you 
because  the 
to  you,  and 
(I's  act  may 
erneath  the 
lOt  only  are 
;r3,  witliout 
er  of  their 
uake  them- 
us  without 
jrest  with  a 
phenomena 
1  inaccurate 


be  simply 
^al  external 
—  there  are 
lalitatively, 
I  feelings  of 
titative  and 
liognizes  the 
er  one,    for 

even  if  he 
f,  the  sensa- 
s  attributed 
16  properties 

riez:  C'est  un 
us  tromperiez 


INTELLFX'T. 


ea 


in  objects,  and  opens  up  the  vexed  question  of  the  origin  of 
the  idea  of  space,  into  which  we  cannot  enter  here.  Thirdly, 
the  manifold  of  sensation,  thus  differentiated  and  localized, 
is  unified  into  a  permanent  whole,  wliich  we  call  the  object. 
Tlie  child  combines  the  scattered  sensations,  visual,  tactual, 
olfactory,  and  sapid,  into  the  perceived  object, /ood. 

Taste  Pekikptions. — "The  first  centre  of  the  child's 
psychic  life  is  the  mouth  "  <»*'.  Probably  the  first  action  is 
sucking,  and  later  all  objects  are  experimented  upon  by 
means  of  the  lips  and  hands  together.  But  even  in  the 
third  month,  the  child  is  weak  in  power  of  comparison,  and 
will  suck  an  empty  bottle  as  readily  as  a  full  one,  until  he 
finds  it  is  empty  by  failure  to  extract  anything  from  it. 
From  the  eighth  day,  a  wry  face  was  made  at  the  sight  of 
bitter  medicine,  and  by  the  seventh  week  this  wry  face  was 
accompanied  by  a  gesture  of  refusal**".  At  one  month  and 
five  days,  a  dose  of  medicine  was  taken  with  visible  repug- 
nance """.  The  experiments  of  Kussmaul,  already  referred 
to,  show  that  discrimination  between  tastes  takes  place  from 
the  first.  It  proceeds,  generally,  with  considerable  rapidity 
from  the  third  month  on,  and  by  the  tenth  month  various 
articles  of  diet  are  clearly  known  and  distinguished  from 
one  another  <••>.  Yet  the  child,  like  the  adult,  though  in  a 
greater  degree,  is  subject  to  illusions  of  taste,  through  con- 
fusion of  sapid  with  olfactory  sensations,  and  with  one 
another. 

Sight  Perceptions.  — During  the  first  month,  the  child 
gives  small  evidence  that  he  has  any  ideas  of  distance,  or 
of  his  own  body.  At  this  age  he  will  strike  or  scratch  his 
own  face.  A  girl  of  thirty  days  "  seemed  for  an  instant  to 
have  caught  the  reflected  image  of  herself,"  but  the  next 
moment  she  became  lost  again  in  the  surrounding  objects  of 


^iW'AT.itoiitaiHWfe.JiWft 


r^-i'  ]6.*Ji'"'-^ya»^  - 


'9 


^•^ii  t  tifiiii^in  iti-  ■ 


64 


THE    PSYCHOLOGY    OF   CHILDHOOD. 


I 


the  nursery  <"*>.     A  boy,  during  his  second  month,  gave  the 
first  sign  of  distinguishing  external  objects  from  himself, 
by  reaching  forward  and  grasping  at  them.     About  the  same 
time  he  began  apparently  to  pay  attention  to  the  looks  and 
gestures  of  others,  and  at  six  montlis  he  distinguished  per- 
sons, without,  however,  having  any  clear  ideas  about  them. 
When  anything  presented  itself  to  him,  he  pointed  his  linger 
at  it,  to  direct  attention  to  it,  and  sometimes  said  ah  '>"". 
From  the  beginning  of  his  second  year,  he  rapidly  advanced 
in  power  of  discrimination,  though  chiefly  among  objects 
fitted  to  satisfy  his  needs.     One  of  the  objects  earliest  to  be 
recognized  — if  not  the  very  earliest  — is  the  mother's  face 
and  form.     Children  give  evidence  of  this  recognition  in  the 
second  or  third  month.     A  boy  of  seven  months  "surely 
recognized  three  persons," —  his  parents  and  the  nurse  (««>. 
Another,  at  nine  weeks,  seemed  to  know  his  mother  <"'.     No 
objects,  not  even  the  parents,  are  known  at  a  distance  <»«>. 
In  the  course  of  the  first  half-year,  much  improvement  takes 
place  in  this  direction.     A  child  in  his  fifth  month  would 
no  longer  grasp  at  objects  beyond  his  reach  <*".     Smiling  at 
the  image  in  the  mirror  has  been  noticed  as  early  as  the 

ninth  week. 

"  From  the  sensations  of  hearing  and.  smell,  there  can  be 
formed  no  representations  in  tlie  first  week  "  <"'.  Near  the 
end  of  the  second  month,  one  child  gave  evidence  that  he 
distinguished  between  tones  of  voic3  expressive  of  different 
emotions  and  sentiments.  He  allowed  himself  to  be  pacified 
by  gentle  tones  <i"'.  Another,  in  his  third  month,  actively 
sought  the  direction  of  sound  by  turning  his  head '"". 

Owing  to  the  weakness  of  the  attention,  and  lack  of 
experience,  the  young  child  falls  into  many  illusions  of 
sense-perception.  A  child  of  four  months  believes  the 
image  in  the  mirror  is  a  real  person,  as  is  shown  by  his  sur- 
prised look  when  he  hears  behind  him  the  voice  of  the 


mummm 


SifMt' 


h,  gave  the 
m  himself, 
ut  the  same 
e  looks  and 
uished  per- 
ibout  them. 
hI  his  linger 
said  o/).'>°". 
ly  advanced 
ong  objects 
irliest  to  be 
other's  face 
lition  in  the 
ths  "surely 
lie  nurse'**', 
her  <"'.     No 
distance  <*"'. 
ement  takes 
lonth  would 
Smiling  at 
early  as  the 

;here  can  be 
'.  Near  the 
ence  that  he 
i  of  different 
bo  be  pacified 
nth,  actively 
iad  '"\ 
and  lack  of 
illusions  of 
believes  the 
n  by  his  sur- 
voice  of  the 


a^'lWPl.l'    ii'lli    ^/^ 


INTEIXECT. 


66 


individual  to  whom  the  reflection  belongs'"'.  A  boy  of 
seven  months  put  out  both  hands  to  pick  up  a  very  small 
piece  of  paper  <*".  At  six  months  he  mistook  a  flat  dish  for 
a  globe,  and  seemed  to  believe  all  objects  had  bulk.  The 
little  girl  F.  tried  one  day  to  '-pick  up"  a  round  picture, 
which  Avas  made  to  represent  raised  work,  and  another  day 
she  tried  to  walk  on  the  water.  I  once  heard  a  little  girl 
of  one  year  and  a  half  call  the  moon  a  lamp,  showing  how 
false  was  her  idea  of  its  real  distance  and  magnitude. 

Children  are  said  to  be  peculiarly  subject  to  illusions  of 
hearing,  though  I  have  no  examples  to  give.  The  imper- 
fection of  their  judgments  by  the  muscular  sense  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  a  child  of  three  months  cannot  tell  a  full 
bottle  from  an  empty  one,  by  the  weight  alone. 

II.   Memory. 

The  power  of  retaining  impressions,  and  recognizing  them 
when  reproduced,  has  a  physiological  as  well  as  a  psycho- 
logical aspect;  the  former  consisting  chiefly  in  the  suscep- 
tibility of  organic  structures  to  receive  impressions  which 
are  capable  of  a  greater  or  less  degree  of  permanency ;  the 
latter  depending  principally  on  the  powei  of  attention. 
"Where  the  attention  is  actively  directed  to  wards  the  present 
sensation,  that  sensation  is  more  easily  and  more  surely 
reproduced  in  memory.  - 

Little  childrea  have  but  small  power  of  attention;  from 
the  psychological  side  therefore,  their  memories  are  weak. 
Nearly  all  the  experiences  of  the  first  two  years  of  life,  and 
the  vast  majority  of  those  of  the  next  four,  are  completely 
forgotten  by  most  people.'    The  cerebral  structures  in  chil- 

»  "  A  writer  in  a  recent  English  magazine  declares  that  her  own 
memory  began  at  sixteen  months."  M.  W.  Wright  in  Babyhood, 
Feb.  1891. 


fli(fntS>tttM 


66 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


dren,  however,  are  very   impressible,  so  that,  from  the 
physiological  point  of  view,  the  memory  of  childhood  is 
potentially,  at  least,  very  strong.     This  probably  accounts 
for  the  well-known  fact  that  those  experiences  of  childhoorl 
that  are  remembered,  are   more  firmly  fixed  and  persist    ' 
longer  than  those  of  early  manhood  or  middle  age.     Let  the 
attention  of  a  little  child  — which,  be  it  observed,  is  weak    , 
in  both  directions,  being  as  hard  to  withdraiv  from  a  present 
sensation  as  it  is  to  direct  towards  one— be  enchained  by 
some  startling  or  fascinating  experience,  and  an  impression 
is  made  on  his  plastic  mind,  which  can  never  be  effaced. ^ 
Old  men  recall  the  events  of  fifty  years  ago  better  than 
those  of  last  year. 

The  little  child  is  capable  of  memories  long  before  he  has 
learned  to  speak-     A  little  boy,  six  months  old,  whose  hand 
had  been  slightly  burnt  by  a  hot  vase,  shrank  back  at  the 
sight  of  this  article  a  few  days  after  <«>.     Certain  faces,  too, 
are  recognized  by  children  of  this  age,  showing  that  they 
have  memory-images  of  them.    Strange  faces,  too,  are  known 
as  strange,  and  distinguished  from  familiar  one?,;  but  the 
latter  are  not  yet  missed  when  absent  •"'.    Sigisraund  gives 
an  interesting  case  of  memory  in  a  boy  about  eight  months 
old.     While  in  the  bath  he  tried  repeatedly  to  raise  himself 
up  by  the  vJge  of  the  tub,  but  in  vain.     Finally  he  suc- 
ceeded by  grasping  a  handle,  near  which  he  accidentally 
fell.     Next  time  he  was  put  into  the  bath,  he  reached  out 
immediately  for  the  aforesaid  handle  and  raised  himself  up 
in  triumph.     Jfemory  of  persons  becomes  strong  by  the  end 
of  tlie  first  year.     A  child  of  this  age  recognized  her  nurse, 
after  six  days'  absence,  "with  sobs  of  joy."     A  boy  some- 

ilrtTflreTslght  of  a  locomotive  will  never,  I  believp,  be  effaced,  or 
even  bi-dimmed,  in  my  memory,  should  I  live  for  a  century.  To-day  5 
can  call  it  up  witt»  remarkable-  vividness,  and  with  all  -tfl  attendan. 
circumstanceB  clearly  and  definitely  portrayed. 


MiiHlj^tMlailiMMMHWHMWIW*^ 


I" 


from  the 
Idhood  is 
accounts 
jhildhood 
d  persist 
Let  the 
i,  is  weak 
a  present 
hained  by 
mpression 
3  effaced.' 
3tter  than 

ore  he  has 
rhose  hand 
ack  at  the 
faces,  too, 
;  that  they 
are  kiiown 
!s;  but  tht. 
aund  gives 
jht  months 
ise  himself 
,ly  he  suc- 
ccidentally 
reached  out 
himself  up 
by  the  end 
,  her  nurse, 
L  boy  some- 
be  effaced,  or 
iry.    To-day  5 
'tfl  attendant 


INTELLECT. 


67 


what  younger  knew  his  father  after  four  days'  absence, 
while  another,  seven  months  old,  did  not  recognize  liis  nurse 
after  four  weeks'  absence,  but  when  nineteen  months  old  he 
knew  his  father,  even  at  a  distance,  after  two  weeks'  separa- 
tion.    Another  child,  four  months  old,  knew  his  muse  after 
four  weqks,  and  at  ten  months  he  missed  his  parents,  and 
was   troubled  by  their   absence.     A  boy  of  twenty-three 
months  manifested  keen  delight  on  again  seeing  his  play- 
things after  an  interval  of  eleven  weeks;  and  when  a  year 
and  a  half  old,  was  greatly  disconcerted  one  day  when  sent 
to  carry  one  towel  to  his  mother,  where  he  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  carrying  two^^K     Darwin's  boy,  at  a  little  over 
three  years  of  age,  instantly  recognized  a  portrait  of  his 
grandfather,  "and  mentioned  a  whole  string  of  incidents 
which  occurred  at  their  last  meeting,  nearly  six  months 
previous,"  the  matter  not  having  been  mentioned  in  the 
meantime.     The  little  boy,  11.,  recognized  a  young  lady  who 
lives  next  door,  after  a  few  weeks  of  absence.     He  also 
knew  me  after  nearly  three  weeks.     He  was  then  twenty- 
three  months  old. 

A  boy  one  year  and  a  half  old  heard  some  one  say  one  day 
tliat  another  boy  had  fallen  and  hurt  his  leg.  Some  days 
after,  the  second  boy  came  in,  whereupon  the  lirst  ran  up  to 
him,  exclaiming,  "Fall,  hurt  leg."  A  child  of  two  years, 
whose  mother  liad  made  him  a  toy  sled  out  of  a  card,  on 
receiving  a  postal  card  at  the  door  some  days  after,  ran  with 
it  to  his  mother,  crying,"  Mama,  litten  "  (Schlitten,  sled)  <"'. 
New  experiences  call  up  memories  of  old  experiences  by 
association,  and  in  this  way  events  that  occurred  prior  to 
the  period  of  learning  to  speak,  arc  remembered  alter  that 
time.  A  little  boy  of  my  acquaintance  related  the  following 
tale,  the  events  of  which  took  place  before  he  learned  to 
speak:  "Pussy  kime  on  table;  puli  Nonie  off  (i.e.,  Nonie 
pulled  her  off);  pussy  katch  Nome  face,  hands  too."     This 


f  iyi  't\t&iipi&:*'i>i«!fii>' 


68 


THK    I'SYCHOLOGY    OF   CHILDHOOD. 


was  ilUistiated  by  gestures,  showing  the  process  of  scratch- 
ing*"'. Another  boy,  three  years  old,  remembered  per- 
fectly well  and  would  imitate  his  own  awkward  attempts  at 

speaking  "■■*'.  .       .         .        • 

A  very  interesting  (luestion  in  this  connection  is  this: 
Which  of  the  senses  furnishes  the  most  vivid  and  lasting 
memory-images?    The  iirst  impulse  would  probably  be  to 
attribute  the  preeminence  to  sight,  but  in  so  doing,  we  might 
make  a  mistake.     It  is  probable,  as  M.  Queyrat  seems  to 
think,  that  the  muscular  sense  is  of  paramount  importance 
here.     Cliildren  are  full  of   action,  and  their  psychic  life 
is  bound  up  witji  movement.     If  they  are  to  develop,  they 
must  do  something,  and  they  remember  what  they  do,  a 
thousand  times  better  than  what  is  told  or  shown  to  them. 
This  is  also  true  in  adult  life.     Many  persons  study  out 
loud.     We  remember  what  we  ivrite,  better  than  what  we 
simply  read.     Pedagogy  is  now  recognizing  this  as  a  great 
principle  in  education,  and  the  whole  kindergarten  system 
is  based  upon  it. 

In  connection  with  hearing,  the  child  remembers  best 
some  connected  story  which  is  helped  out  by  gestures 
appealing  to  the  eye.  The  little  boy  C,  at  twenty-Hve 
mouths,  reproduced  after  his  own  lashion  the  story  of  Little 
Red  Hiding  Hood  (having  heard  it  only  once,  and  that  the 
•  night  before)  with  abu.  ""ant  gesture,  and  then  laughed  in 

great  glee. 

An  interesting  experin.ent  in  this  direction  is  reported 
by  Baldwin  in  Science  for  May  iind,  1890.  The  child  was  six 
and  a  half  months  old.  Her  nurse  had  been  absent  three 
weeks.  On  returning  she  first  appeared  before  the  child 
without  speaking,  then  she  spoke  without  appearing.  In 
neither  case  was  she  recognized.  But  when  she  appeared 
again,  and  sang  a  familiar  nursery  rhyme,  the  child  recog- 
nized her   with  demonstrations  of  joy.     This  is  a  good 


-»5fsw,,'PWKiwwM'WV»&4ai'.' " 


f  scratch- 
ered  per- 
itempts  at 

n  is  this: 

nd  lasting 

ibly  be  to 

we  might 

seems  to 

mportance 

sychic  life 

^elop,  they 

bhey  do,  a 

I  to  them. 

study  out 

Q  what  we 

1  as  a  great 

ten  system 

inbers  best 
y  gestures 
twenty-Hve 
ry  of  Little 
nd  that  the 
laughed  in 

is  reported 
lild  was  six 
hsent  three 
9  the  child 
jaring.  In 
le  appeared 
3hild  recog- 
is  a  good 


INTELLECT. 


69 


example  of  the  "summation  of  stimuli,"  r  •  the  cooperation 
of  different  sensations,  reinforcing  each  other,  to  produce  a 
result  which  neither  could  accomplish  by  itself. 


III.   Association. 

Memory  and  imagination  proceed  in  accordance  with  the 
laws  of  association.  The  chief  of  these  are  resemblance, 
cont.is^uity  and  contrast.  The  general  principle  of  associa- 
tion has  been  expressed  in  this  way:  "When,  for  any 
reason,  a  part  of  an  old  mental  movement  is  reinstated, 
there  is  a  tendency  for  the  whole  movement  to  reinstate 
itself  "  <^'.  The  physiological  under-structure  of  association 
scarcely  exists  at  birth,  but  gradually,  through  experience, 
dynamic  pathways  in  the  cerebral  substance  are  developed, 
constituting  an  associative  network,  connecting  the  various 
centres  with  one  another.  On  the  mental  side  an  increasing 
re  idiness  to  note  resemblances,  differences,  etc.,  and  to  note 
them  where  they  are  less  obvious,  it,  developed  in  the  course 
of  experience. 

In  Mr.  Darwin's  opinion,  the  child  far  surpasses  the  lower 
animals  in  associative  power.  "The  facility  with  which 
associated  ideas  .  .  .  were  acquired,  seemed  to  me  by  far 
the  most  strongly  marked  uf  nil  the  distinctions  between 
the  mind  of  an  infant,  and  that  of  the  cleverest  full-grown 
dog  I  ever  saw  " '"'. 

The  recorded  observations  on  this  point  show  great  in- 
dividual differences.  Champneys  saw  signs  of  association 
of  pleasurable  feelings  as  early  as  the  eighth  week,  when  the 
child  accompanied  a  smiling  expression  with  suck  ing  motions 
of  the  lips.  Tiedemann  tliought  he  saw  traces  of  association 
on  the  eighteenth  day,  when  the  child  ceased  crying  and  put 
himself  into  the  attitude  for  taking  nourishmtnl  when  a  soft 


j 


70 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


hand  came  into  contact  with  his  face.  Sully  obr,erved  a 
similar  thing  at  ten  weeks.  Darwin,  on  the  contrary,  did 
not  notice  any  signs  of  associations  firmly  fixed  before  the 
fifth  month;  and  Taino  puts  it  as  late  as  the  tenth  montli; 
while  Perez  believes  that  liomogeneous  sensations  are,  by 
the  middle  of  the  first  month,  associated  to  such  a  point 
that  they  are  recognized  when  reproduced;  and  he  goes  on 
to  say  that  "  there  is  not  one  of  the  combinations  of  associa- 
tions, which  hav^  been  studied  so  car^^fuUy  by  psychologists, 
of  which  we  cannot  find  at  least  :.  iaint  foreshadowing  in  a 
child  of  six  or  seven  months  "  **''. 

The  following  are  examples  of  association  by  contiguity: 
When  a  little  child's  hat  and  cloak  are  put  on,  or  he  is 
placed  in  his  carriage,  he  becomes  restless,  and  even  angry, 
if  not  immediately  taken  out.     This  lias  been  observed  in 
children  less  thf.a  half  a  year  old<">,  and  in  others  of  one 
year  """.     At  -iie  latter  age  the  association  is  much  stronger ; 
lie  cannot  even  see  a  hat,  cloak  or  umbrella  without  mani- 
festing tlie  same   restlessness.     Probably   also,  as  Perez 
thinks,  we  may  see  in  the  child's  crying  for  food  on  the 
return  of  daylight  the  germ  of  association  by  succession, 
out  of  which  is  constructed  the  idea  of  time.     A  rudimen- 
tary notion  of  cause  and  effect  may  also  be  seen  in  the  babe 
of  half  a  year  or  thereabouts,  who,  havirg  been  once  burnt 
by  a  hot  object,  afterwards  draws  back  a.  the  sight  of  it'««'; 
and  in  the  child,  who,  finding  a  peculiar  scratching  sound  to 
•  follow  the  passage  of  his  finger  nail  over  an  object,  repeats 
the  process  again  and  again,  until  he  has  clearly  established 
the  relation  between  the  motion  and  the  sound  ""W'.     Con- 
tiguity in  the  form  of  coexistence  is  seen  in  the  following: 
At-  3even  months,  the  person  of  the  nurse  was  associated 
witi;  the  fiound  of  her  name;  when  her  name  was  uttered, 
thfa  child  would  tui  v  roand  and  look  for  her  <"».     The  same 
thing  was  observed  iu  another  child  five  months  old'««'. 


.i|.l.BM'i. 


■?-=r*f-?«'-r' 


INTELLECT. 


71 


)r,erved  a 
•,rary,  did 
)efore  the 
h  luontli; 
s  are,  by 
1  a  point 
?  goes  on 
f  associa- 
hologists, 
wing  in  a 

>ntiguity : 
,  or  he  is 
en  angry, 
jserved  in 
irs  of  one 
.  stronger ; 
LOut  mani- 
as Perez 
lod  on  the 
uccession, 
.  rudimen- 
n  the  babe 
Dnce  burnt 
itof  it'««>; 
g  sound  to 
ict,  repeats 
;stablished 
"o<".     Con- 
following  : 
associated 
as  uttered, 
The  same 
ths  old'^"'. 


Darwin's  boy,  at  nine  months,  associated  his  own  name 
with  his  image  in  the  mirror.  When  ten  months  old  he 
learned  that  an  object  which  caused  a  shadow  to  fall  on  the 
wall  in  front  of  him,  was  to  be  looked  for  behind.  When 
less  than  a  year  old,  it  was  sufficient  to  repeat  a  short  sen- 
tence two  or  three  times  at  intervals,  to  fix  firmly  in  his 
mind  sonie  associated  idea. 

Resemblance,  if  not  the  earliest,  is  certainly  among  the 
strongest  of  the  child's  associations.     Darwin's  child,  in  the 
second  half  of  his  first  year,,  would  shake  his  head  and  say 
ah  to  the  coal-box,  to  water  spilt  en  the  floor,  and  to  such 
things  as  bore  a  resemblance  to  things  which  he  had  been 
taught  to  consider  dirty.     Another  boy,  nine  months  old,  on 
hearing  the  word  "  papa,"  would  hold  out  his  arms  to  another 
gentleman  who  resembled  his  father  <*«';  and  a  little  girl  of 
this  age  knew  the  portrait  of  her  grandfather  as  it  hung  on 
the  wall.     Sigismund  says:  "I  showed  my  boy  — not  yet 
one  year  old  — a  stuffed  woodcock,  and  said  'Vogel.'     He 
immediately  turned  his  eyes  to  another  part  of  the  room, 
and  looked  at  a  stuffed  owl  which  stood  there."     Taine's 
little  girl,  at  fifteen  months,  on  seeing  colored  pictures  of 
birds,  immediately  cried  out  koko,  which  was  her  name  for 
chicken.     The  little  boy,  C,  on  seeing  the  image  on  a  postal 
card,  at  once  made  a  peculiar   snuffing   noise,  which  his 
grandfather  was  in  the  habit  of  doing,  showing  that  he 
observed  a  resemblance  between  his  grandfather  and  the 
picture  on  the  card. 

For  resemblances  among  sounds,  children  in  general  have 
tlie  keenest  relish.  They  are  inveterate  punsters.  Rhymes 
and  alliterations  are  their  especial  delight.  They  will  catch 
the  faintest  link  of  resemblance  in  the  sounds  of  words. 
"Harry  O'Neil  is  nicknamed  Harry  Oatmeal,  .  .  .  October 
suggests  hiocked  over,  and  from  do  re  me,  they  get  do  re 
j/ou"<"'.     Mere  jingles,  tiresome  to  the  grown-up  person. 


T2 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF   CHILT>HOOD. 


will  amuse  them  for  hours;  such  as  "Ene,  mene,  mine  mo," 
etc.,  or,  "Dickory,  dickory,  dock,"  etc. 

When  the  child  learns  to  speak,  the  power  of  association 
by  resemblances,  in  his  mind,  is  exemplified  in  his  habit  of 
enlarging  the  denotation  of  words,  so  as  to  make  one  word    i 
do  duty  for  several  objects  which  resemble  each  other  in 
certain  respects.     The  discussion  of  this  will  be  resumed    . 
later  {infra,  Section  5  and  Chap.  V.). 

IV.    Imaoination. 

•  There  are  two  species  of  imagination.  First,  the  passive, 
in  which,  without  the  exercise  of  active  attention,  or  any 
effort  of  will,  images  pass  and  repass,  arranging  and 
rearranging  themselves  in  the  phantasy.  This  is  exempli- 
fied in  dreams,  and  in  the  resuscitation  of  faded  memory 
images  in  the  waking  moments  by  the  laws  of  association. 
Secondly,  the  active  or  eonstmctive  imagination,  in  which, 
by  an  effort  of  attention  and  will,  old  images  are  worked  up 
into  new  forms,  inanimate  objects  have  life  and  personality 
attributed  to  them,  and  curious  scenes  and  combinations  are 
produced  by  the  inventive  genius  of  the  person  imagining. 

With  regard  to  the  first,  Perez  says:  "The  child,  hardly 
a  month  old,  who  recognizes  his  mother's  breast  at  a  very 
short  distance,  shows,  by  the  strong  desire  he  has  to  get  to 
it,  that  this  sight  has  made  an  impression  on  him,  and  that 
this  image  nmst  be  deeply  engraven  on  his  memory.  The 
child  who,  at  the  age  of  three  months,  turns  sharply  round 
on  hearing  a  bird  sing,  or  on  hearing  the  name  coco  pro- 
nounced, and  looks  about  for  the  bird  cage,  has  formed  a 
very  vivid  idea  of  the  "bird  and  the  cage.  When,  a  little 
later,  on  seeing  his  nurse  take  her  cloak,  or  his  mother  wave 
her  umbrella,  he  shows  signs  of  joy,  and  pictures  to  himself 
a  walk  out  of  doors,  he   is  again  performing  a  feat  of 


«!iiiju'i.!n..!!Ni' ")iMa/.uia&MAw 


aine  mo, 

ssociation 
IS  habit  of 
I  one  word 
I  other  in 
i  resumed 


)xe  passive, 
on,  or  any 
nging   and 
s  exempli- 
id  memory 
,sso(!iatiou. 
in  which, 
worked  up 
personality 
nations  are 
magining. 
lild,  hardly 
:  at  a  very 
IS  to  get  to 
m,  and  that 
aory.     The 
irply  round 
le  coco  pro- 
,s  formed  a 
len,  a  little 
aother  wave 
3  to  himself 
J  a  feat  of 


INTELLECT. 


n 


imagination.  In  like  manner,  when,  at  the  age  of  seven  or 
eight  months,  having  been  deceived  by  receiving  a  piece  of 
bread  instead  of  cake,  on  finding  out  the  trick,  he  throws 
the  bread  away  angrily,  we  feel  sure  that  the  image  of  the 
cake  must  be  very  clearly  imprinted  on  his  mind.  Finally, 
when  he  begins  to  babble  the  word  papa  at  the  sight  of  tiny 
man  whatever,  it  must  be  that  tlie  general  characteristics 
which  make  up  what  he  calls  papa  are  well  fixed  in  his 
imagination. "  When  they  are  left  alone,  children  who  have 
acquired  the  word  "mamma,"  will  repeat  this  name  over 
and  over  again,  proving  the  presence  of  the  mother's  image 
iu  the  imagination  '"**. 

One  of  the  most  significant  forms  of  the  passive  imagina- 
tion in  childhood  is  the  dream.  It  is  very  difficult  to  ascer- 
tain when  the  child  first  begins  to  dream,  and  this  for 
several  reasons.  The  child  who  can  talk,  will  "tell  his 
dreams,"  in  imitation  of  grown-up  people,  no  dream  having 
taken  place.  In  the  case  of  the  child  who  cannot  talk,  we 
have  very  little  reliable  information  to  go  upon.  But  there 
seems  no  reason  to  doubt  that  dreams  may  take  place  just  as 
soon  as  the  child's  waking  experiences  have  furnished  him 
with  clear  and  definite  sensations. 

As  for  the  constructive  imagination,  our  space  will  not 
admit  the  hosts  of  examples  that  might  be  given  of  the 
wonderful  fertility  of  children's  minds  in  this  respect. 
Their  little  wooden  toys  become  transformed  into  real  sol- 
diers, fighting  real  battles,  mighty  locomotives  drawing  long 
trains  of  heavily-laden  cars,  or  great  steamships  sailing  over 
un lathomable  oceans.  "  Given  a  few  broken  pieces  of  glass, 
a  flower,  a  fruit,  a  colored  string,  a  doll,  and  out  of  them 
the  baby  imagination  constructs  an  immeasurable  happi- 
ness "  <"'.^    Indeed  it  would  seem,  as  Jastrow  says,  that  •  le 

Uall,  ill  Scribner'n 


1  See  "The  Story  of  a  Sand  Pile,"  by  G.  S. 
Magazine  for  June,  1888. 


:■•&■ 


74  THE  PSYCHOLOUY   OF  OHiluUHOOD. 

function  of  toys  is  to  serve  as  "lay  figures,  on  wMch  the 
child's  imagination  can  weave  and  drape  its  iancies  . 
In  order  to  serve  this  purpose,  the  toy  does  not  need  to  be 
a  work  of  art.  "We  don't  like  buyed  dolls,"  says  little 
Budge,  in  "Helen's  Babies,"  and  in  so  saying,  he  seems  to 
voice  the  opinions  of  the  majority  of  children.  A  wax  doll 
is  a  nice  thing  to  have,  and  look  at  occasional  y,  but  for 
real,  "sure  enough,"  everyday  play,  give  us  the  old  rag 

'  ^'children  in  their  plays  imagine  themselves  other  than 
thev  are.  They  transform  themselves  into  kings  and 
..ueens,  professors  and  preachers,  fathers  and  mothers  and 
-Irandparents,  and  fulfill  all  the  functions  of  neighbors 
and  citizens  with  the  greatest  solemnity  and  dignity,  ihey 
surround  themselves  with  imaginary  personages,  and  carry 
on  imaginary  conversations.^  xr„,.roii 

I  shall  close  this  section  with  a  quotation.  A\ .  W.  Newell, 
in  "  (lames  and  Songs  of  American  Children,"  says :  Observe 
a  little  girl  who  has  attended  her  mother  for  an  airing  in 
some  city  park.  The  older  person,  quietly  seated  besvJe 
the  footpath,  is  half  absorbed  in  reverie;  takes  little  notice 
of  passers-by,  or  of  neighboring  sights  or  sounds,  further 
than  to  cast  an  occasional  glance,  which  may  inform  her  of 


'  The  same  thing  holds  with  regard  to  pictures.  I  have  seen  a  copy 
of  a  German  pictuie-book  for  children,  which  is  almost  completelj 
lacking  n  artistic  excellence,  but  which  has  gone  through  one  hundred 
and  seventy-seven  editions.  A  movement  is  now  on  foot  m  Russia  to 
;l  bit  ;,h  importation  of  the  finely  finished  and  elegant  Frend^^J^ 
on  the  ground  that  they  leave  no  room  for  the  exercise  of  the  child  s 

""''' Onl°of  th3  greatest  pleasures  of  childhood  is  found  in  the  mys- 
teries  which  i.  hides  from  the  scepticism  of  the  elders,  and  works  up 
So  small  mythologies  of  its  own."  Holmes,  "The  Poet  at  the 
Ureakfast  Table."  ;    "  I   !»    ' 


rliich  the 


icies 


"  (41) 


eed  to  be 
ays  little 
5  seeius  to 
,  wax  doll 
jr,  but  for 
le  old  rag 

)ther  than 
iings  and 
jtliers  and 
neighbors 
.ty.  They 
,  and  carry 

W.  Newell, 
: "  Observe 
n  airing  in 
ited  beside 
little  notice 
ids,  further 
form  her  of 


re  seen  a  copy 
at  completely 
1  one  hundred 
it  in  Russia  to 
t  French  toys, 
of  the  child's 

id  in  the  uiys- 
and  works  up 
)  Poet  at  the 


INTELLECT. 


76 


the  child's  security.  The  other,  left  to  her  own  devices, 
wanders  contented  within  the  limited  scope,  incessantly 
prattling  to  herself;  now  climbing  an  adjoining  rock,  now 
Hitting  like  a  bird  from  one  side  of  the  patliway  to  the  other. 
Listen  to  her  monologue,  flowing  as  incessantly  and  musi- 
cally as  the  bubbling  of  a  spring;  if  ynu  can  catch  enough 
to  follow  her  thought,  you  will  find  a  perpetual  romance 
unfolding  itself  in  her  mind.  Imaginary  persons  accom- 
pany her  footsteps;  the  properties  of  ;.  -Uildish  theatre  exist 
in  her  fancy;  she  sustains  a  convc  u  in  three  or  four 

characters.  '  The  roughness  of  the  gi  -d,  the  hasty  passage 
of  a  squirrel,  the  chirping  of  a  sparrow,  are  occasions  suffi- 
cient to  suggest  an  exchange  of  impressions  between  the 
unreal  figures  with  which  her  world  is  peopled.  If  she 
ascends,  not  without  a  stumble,  the  artificial  rockwork,  it  is 
with  the  expressed  solicitude  of  a  mother  who  guides  an 
infant  by  the  edge  of  a  precipice;  if  she  raises  her  glance 
to  the  waving  green  overhead,  it  is  with  tlie  cry  of  pleasure 
exchanged  by  playmates  who  trip  from  home  on  a  sunshiny 
day.  The  older  person  is  confined  within  the  barriers  of 
memory  and  experience,  the  younger  breathes  the  free  air 
of  creative  fancy." 

V.   The  Discursive  Pkocesses. 

Conception,  judgment  and  reasoning,  the  three  processes 
of  discursive  thought,  are  treated  together,  because  it  is 
impossible  to  make  qualitative  distinctions  among  them. 
They  differ  only  in  degree,  not  in  kind.  In  every  concept, 
there  is  involved  a  rudimentary  judgment,  and  the  syllogism 
consists  simply  in  the  apperceptive  synthesis  of  judgments, 
whose  constituent  elements  are  concepts.  The  three  are 
then  at  bottom  only  different  stages  in  the  one  process,  by 
which  knowledge  of  the  abstract  is  elaborated.     Examples 


76 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY  OP  OHILDHOOD. 


given,  therefore,  to   illustrate   the   one,  contain   elements 
almost  equally  illustrative  of  the  others. 

CoNCKPTiox.  —  The  child  s  earliest  experience,  being  pre- 
dominantly physiological,  is  also  predominantly  individual 
and  concrete.  He  lives  in  the  particular.  It  is  a  momen- 
tous juncture  in  his  life  when  he  first  steps  out  beyond 
individual  things,  to  abstract  their  common  qualities,  and 
of  these  to  form  notions.  It  is  only  then  that  he  begins  to 
think,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word;  and  it  is  this  tliinking 
in  abstractions  and  generals,  which,  in  Locke's  opinion, 
differentiates  the  human  unnd  essentially  from  lower  animal 
intelligence.' 

Taine  believes  that  the  general  notion  makes  its  appear- 
ance only  with  the  acquisition  of  language.     I'reyer,  on 
the  other   hand,   maintains    that  "even   before   the    first 
attempts  at  speaking,  a  generalizing  and.  therefore,  concept- 
foriiing   combination   of    memory-images   regularly  takes 
place.'      "Tli.t  the  ability  to  abstract  may  show   itself, 
thouflff'   r,iper*:-.'vtly,  even  in  the  first  year,  is,  according  to 
my  f.i--i<:>vallons,  certain.     Infants  are  struck  by  a  quality 
of  ..>    jbject  — c.^.,  the  white  appearance  of  milk.     The 
'ui.v.;r,iacting,'  then,  consists  in  the  isolating  of  this  quality 
from  innumerable  other  sight-impressions,  and  the  blending 
of  the  impressions  into  a  concept.     The  naming  of  this, 
which  begins  months  later,  .  .  .  is  an  outward  sign  of  this 
abstraction,  which  did  not  at  all  lead  to  the  formation  of 
the   concept,  but  followed   it"<">.     He  also  quotes   from 
Oehlwein  to  show  that  deaf-mute  children,  in  the  first  year 
of  life,  form  concepts,  and  logically  combine  them  with  one 
another;  and  he  concludes  that  thinking  is  not  bound  up 
with  verbal  language,  though  it  no  doubt  demands  a  certain 


1  "Human  Understanding,"  Book  II.,  Chap.  11. 


A 


elements 


being  pre- 
Individual 
a  momen- 
it  beyond 
lities,  and 
J  begins  to 
s  thinking 
3  opinion, 
ver  animal 

its  appear- 
L'reyer,  on 
I   the    iirst 
■e,  eoncept- 
iarly  takes 
low   itself, 
Bcording  to 
f  a  quality 
nilk.     The 
;his  quality 
le  blending 
ng  of  this, 
sign  of  this 
armation  of 
notes   from 
le  first  year 
im  with  one 
t  bound  up 
ds  a  certain 


II. 


-i 


im. 


W^.^ 


■  ■  VW5f;Wli;ffp»?^F'V 


..i4,.j4»jiaM.cHvw.uu-,i-->-i^'«>«i««w-wi»fea^^ 


->. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


/ 


O 


1.0 

1^  1^    12.2 

I.I 

S?  ISA    , 

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23  WIST  MAIN  STMIT 

WIBSTIX.N.Y.  14S80 

(716)  •72-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

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Collection  de 
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V      i-.'^    r^   tg^' 


INTELLECT. 


7T 


degree  of  cerebral  development.  Even  orangs  and  chim- 
panzees reason  without  language,  but  their  concepts  are 
neither  so  abstract,  so  clear,  nor  so  numerous  as  those  of  the 
child  even  before  he  learns  to  speak,  while  after  that  time 
the  gulf  between  them  widens  infinitely. 

Perez  agrees  with  the  above  view,  and  quotes  from  Hou- 
zeau  to  show  that  dogs,  bees  and  other  dumb  creatures  have 
concepts,  and  carry  on  reasoning  processes.  As  to  the  child, 
he  gives  several  examples  on  this  point.  A  boy  of  eight 
months,  who  used  to  amuse  himself  by  stulflng  things  into 
a  tin  box,  afterwards  examined  every  new  toy  to  find  an 
opening.  Another  child  of  the  same  age  used  to  make  a 
peculiar  sound  when  he  desired  solid  food,  different  from 
that  by  whicli  he  expressed  his  desire  of  the  breast. 
Another,  at  nine  months,  gave  unmistakable  evidence  that 
he  possesser  the  concept  "animal." 

According  to  Romanes,  there  is  a  class  of  ideas  standing 
between  the  percept  and  the  concept,  less  abstract  than  the 
latter,  but  more  general  than  the  former,  to  which  he  gives 
the  name  recept.  They  are  complex  ideas  arising  out  of  a 
repetition  of  more  or  less  similar  percepts.  E.g.,  when  a 
parrot,  who  has  learned  to  call  out  bow-wow  when  the  house 
dog  enters  the  room,  also  calls  out  this  word  on  seeing  other 
dogs  of  various  sizes,  colors  and  forms,  he  possesses  an  idea 
which  constitutes  an  advance  on  the  percept,  but  cannot, 
strictly  speaking,  be  called  a  concept.  Every  child  passes 
through  a  receptual  stage,  which  does  not  require  language, 
whereas  the  concept,  properly  so-called,  or  the  active 
synthesis  of  qualities  into  a  class  is  not,  in  his  opinion, 
attained  until  the  child  can  speak.' 


»  See  also  a  series  of  articles  in  Pnhlir  Scfiool  Journal  for 
November  and  December,  1891,  and  January  and  February,  1892, 
entitled,  "  How  do  Concepts  arise  from  Percepts  ?  " 


78 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD, 


Taking  the  ordinary  meaning  of  the  word  concept,  which 
includes  wliat  Romanes  expresses  by  recept,  it  seems  estab- 
lished that  the  formation  of  the  concept  is  prior  to,  and 
in  large  n.easure  independent  of,  language;   but  it  seems 
equally  clear  that  abstraction  and  generalization  do  not  attain 
to  any  great  degree  of  complexity  without  the  aid  of  speech, 
as  the  observation  of  the  cleverest  deaf-mutes  clearly  shows. 
Even  after  speech  begins,  the  discursive  processes  develop 
but  slowly.     In  one  case,  a  child  of  seventeen  months  liad 
not  yet  differentiated  his  collective  concept  "taste-smell 
(as  united  in  one  object)  into  the  concepts  "taste     and 
"  smell "  '">  •  though  another  child,  at  seven  months,  seemed 
to  have  ideas  of  kind '««'.    A  boy  of  three  years  did  not  know 
the  meaning  of  "size"  or  "goodness,"  though   ong  before 
this  he  perfectly  understood  the  expression:      Baby  is  a 
Bood  boy."     Children  have  very  little  idea  of  number  in  the 
first  two  years.     A  child  of  two  and  a  half  years  confounded 
"naughty"  with  "ugly."     In  short,  we  find  at  this  period 
only  the  lowest  degree  of  abstraction. 

The  child's   first    generalizations   are   very   inaccurate. 
Even  when  he  begins  to  talk  and  to  use  general  names,  he 
does  not  use  them  in  the  same  sense  as  the  adult.     His 
generalizations  are  apt  to  be  too  wide.     "  Logic  m  the  child 
naturally   operates  with    much  more   extensive  and   less 
intensive  notions  than  in  adults.     Hence  he  is  very  liable 
to  illusion,  not  through  stupidity,  but  simply  through  igno- 
rance, arising  out  of  lack  of  experience."     After  having  held 
out  giass  to  a  sheep,  he  also  offers  some  to  the  birds  «',  and 
in  this  he  is  acting  with  perfect  consistency,  withm  the 
range  of  his  knowledge.     He  extends  the  term  papa  to  other 
men,  the  word  atta  or  peudu  (perdu)  to  all  sorts  of  disappear- 
ances; he  makes  the  word  quack-quack  apply  not  only  to  a 
duck,  but  to  the  water  on  which  the  duck  swims,  then  to  all 
birds  and  insects,  then  to  all  fluids,  and  finally  to  all  coins, 


Si-'i 


OD, 

concept,  which 
it  seems  estab- 
5  prior  to,  and 
,   but  it  seems 
on  do  not  attain 
e  aid  of  speech, 
I  clearly  shows, 
ocesses  develop 
een  months  had 
t  "  taste-smell " 
ts  "taste"  and 
months,  seemed 
irs  did  not  know 
ugh  long  before 
m:   "Baby  is  a 
if  number  in  the 
ears  confounded 
1  at  this  period 

/ery   inaccurate, 
eneral  names,  he 
the  adult.     His 
iOgic  in  the  child 
iensive  and   less 
he  is  very  liable 
sly  through  igno- 
A-fter  having  held 
the  birds  <"',  and 
;ency,  within  the 
ermpa/)a  to  other 
orts  of  disappear- 
ply  not  only  to  a 
swims,  then  to  all 
nally  to  all  coins, 


INTELLECT. 


79 


because  he  had  seen  the  picture  of  an  eagle  on  a  French 
I  <8i'      He  includes  an  eye-glass  in  the  concept  bon  dieu 


sou 


(blessed  medal),  and  the  steamboat,  coffee-pot,  and  all  hiss- 
ing, noisy  objects,  in  the  class  fafer  (chemin  de  fer,  loco  - 
tive).  A  little  girl  of  eighteen  months  had  been  amused  by 
her  mother  hiding  in  play,  and  saying  coucou.  She  had  also 
been  warned  to  keep  out  of  the  hot  sun,  by  the  words  fa 
brule.  One  day,  on  seeing  the  sun  disappear  behind  a  hill, 
she  put  these  two  ideas  together  and  exclaimed  a  hdle  cou- 
(9»).     Another  child  of  the  same  age  applied  the  name 


cou 


no-no  to  all  eye-glasses,  because  she  had  been  forbidden  to 
snatch  off  her  nurse's  glasses  by  the  words  no-no  "".     Taine 
believes  the  characteristic  mark,  distinguishing  the  child 
from  the  lower  animal,  is  this  very  capacity  of  detecting 
resemblances  amid  differences,  wliich  leads  him  to  extend, 
to  such  a  surprising  degree,  the  denotation  of  the  term. 
Not  only  does  he  apply  the  word  how-ioow  to  the  terriers, 
mastiffs  and  Newfoundlands  which  he  meets  in  the  street, 
but  "a  little  later  he  does  what  an  animal  never  does,  he 
says  bovo-woio  to  a  pasteboard  dog  that  barks  when  squeezed, 
then  to  a  pasteboard  dog  which  does  not  bark,  but  runs  on 
wheels,  then  to  the  bronze  dogs  which  ornament  the  drawing- 
room,  then  to  hi«  little  cousin,  who  runs  about  the  room 
on  all   fours,  then,   at  last,   to  a  picture  representing  a 

dog  <*". 

Children's  notions  of  things  are  chiefly  connected  with 
their  uses  or  actions.  M.  Binet  gives  a  large  number  of 
interesting  definitions  of  things  given  by  children,  from 
which  I  select  the  following :  "  Un  couteau,  c'est  pour  couper 
la  viande."  "Un  cheval,  c'est  pour  trainer  une  voiture, 
avec  un  monsieur  dedans. "  "  Une  lampe,  c'est  pour  allumer, 
pour  qu'on  voie  clair  dans  la  chambre."  "  Un  crayon,  c'est 
pour  ecrire."  "  Un  chapeau,  c'est  pour  mettre  sur  la  tgte." 
(Note  the  frequency  of  the  "  pour.") 


'V 


,1 


80 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY    OF   CHILI )H()OT>. 


Judgment  is  involved,  in  a  rudimentary  form,  in  cou-;ep- 
tion,  and  even  in  perception,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  fore- 
going examples.  When  a  child  at  two  months  recognizes 
his  parents;  at  three  and  a  half  months  turns  round  to  the 
cage  on  hearing  the  word  coco;  "comes  to  meet"  the  spoon 
with  his  mouth  when  being  fed;  at  seven  months  turns  his 
head  around  to  the  left  when  an  object  is  carried  so  far 
behind  him  that  he  can  no  longer  see  it  by  turning  to  the 
right;  at  eight  months  recognizes  a  pictorial  representation; 
and  cries  for  Gourlay  water,  which  is  white  and  opaque, 
though  not  for  ordinary  water;  in  the  tenth  month  gives 
evidence  of  the  knowledge  that  bodies  have  weight;  and 
shows  by  unmistakable  signs  that  he  misses  his  absent  par- 
ents, and  even  knows  when  a  single  nine-pin  is  removed 
from  his  set, —  we  cannot  doubt  that  he  is  performing  an  act 
of  judgment.  These  primitive  judgments  are  mostly  con- 
crete and  particular,  abstract  and  general  judgments  being  a 
later  attainment.  Children  of  eighteen  months  will  recog- 
nize the  pictures  of  all  the  more  familiar  animals,  and 
respond  with  the  appropriate  sounds,  bow-wow,  moo,  etc. 
The  spoken  judgment  arises  when  an  object  arouses  an  idea 
in  the  child's  mind,  to  which  idea  he  attaches  a  name, 
recognizing  it  as  connected  with  the  object.  The  first 
spoken  judgment  does  not  then  require  two  words,  as  Taine 
seems  to  think,  but  usually  consists  of  one  word,  which  does 
duty  for  a  whole  sentence.* 

Reasoning.  — When  the  little  boy,  R.,  was  four  months 
old,  he  was  playing  one  day  on  the  floor  surrounded  by  his 
toys.  One  toy  rolled  away  beyond  his  reach.  He  seized  a 
clothes-pin  and  used  that  as  a  "  rake  "  with  which  to  draw 


1  Preyer'B  boy,  at  twenty-three  months,  uttered  his  first  spoken 
judgment,  viz.,  "Heiss"  (=  "This  food  is  too  hot"). 


in. 


INTELLECT. 


81 


•m,  in  cou-ep- 
frora  the  i'ore- 
ths  recognizes 
3  round  to  the 
et "  the  spoon 
tiths  turns  his 
sarried  so  far 
urning  to  the 
epresentation ; 
!  and  opaque, 
L  month  gives 

weight;  and 
lis  absent  par- 
in  is  removed 
forming  an  act 
•e  mostly  con- 
jments  being  a 
shs  will  recog- 

animals,  and 
vow,  moo,  etc. 
rouses  an  idea 
,ches  a  name, 
ct.  The  first 
ords,  as  Taine 
rd,  which  does 


is  four  months 
aunded  by  his 
.  He  seized  a 
which  to  draw- 
bis  first  spoken 


the  toy  within  reach  of  his  hand.  Mr.  Darwin  laid  his 
finger  on  the  palm  of  a  child  five  months  old.  The  child 
closed  liis  fingers  around  it,  and  carried  it  to  his  mouth. 
When  he  found  that  he  was  hindered  from  sucking  it,  by 
his  own  fingers  getting  in  the  way,  he  loosened  his  grasp 
and  took  a  new  hold  farther  down,  then  vigorously  sucked 
the  finger.  When  Preyer's  boy,  at  six  months,  "  after  con- 
siderable experience  in  nursing,  discovered  that  the  flow  of 
milk  was  less  abundant,  he  used  to  place  his  hand  hard 
upon  the  breast,  as  if  he  wanted  to  force  out  the  milk  by 
pressure."  Another  child,  at  seven  months,  cried  for  a 
share  of  the  food  his  nurse  was  eating  '*•'.  A  boy  of  eight 
months  took  a  watch,  which  was  offered  him,  and  after  biting 
on  it  with  evident  satisfaction,  tried  to  break  a  piece  off,  as 
he  would  from  a  cracker.  At  thirteen  months,  a  child  who 
noticed  the  resemblance  between  two  men,  inferred  certain 
acts  on  the  part  of  the  one,  which  he  had  been  accustomed 
to  see  in  the  other  <"'. 

The  boy,  C,  when  fourteen  months  old,  was  one  day  feed- 
ing the  dog  with  crackers,  when  the  supply  ran  out.  He 
immediately  "  crept  to  the  sideboard,  opened  the  left-hand 
door,  pulled  himself  up  by  the  shelf,  and  helped  himself 
out  of  the  box  in  which  they  were  kept."  He  had  seen 
crackers  taken  from  this  box  before,  but  had  never  done  it 
himself.  He  was  observed  to  feel  his  own  ears,  and  then 
his  mother's,  one  day  when  looking  at  pictures  of  rabbits. 
One  day,  when  eighteen  months  old,  he  came  in  from  play- 
ing on  the  lawn,  quite  hot  and  somewhat  dirty.  He  at  once 
ran  to  his  mother,  holding  up  his  dirty  dress  with  a  gesture 
of  disgust;  then  ran  to  the  drawer  where  his  clean  clothes 
were  kept,  and  tugged  at  it  with  all  his  might.  Another 
boy  of  the  same  age,  both  of  whose  hands  were  filled  with, 
toys,  wishing  to  grasp  still  another,  quickly  put  one  of  them 
between  his  knees  <"*'.    A  little  girl  of  this  age  used  to  feign 


'    I 


»si 


sunnmSbwrn'  aiiiB5SSiii«MiM< 


J 


82 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


sleep  until  the  nurse  left  the  room,  when  she  would  immedi- 
ately resume  her  interrupted  romps  <«'.     Tiedemann's  boy, 
at  two  years  of  age,  used  to  employ  cunning  to  accomplish 
his  purposes.     The  little  girl,  F.,  at  a  year  and  a  half,  fur- 
nished a  good  example  of  reasoning  by  analogy.     She  had 
been  shown  the  pictures  in  a  book  with  red  binding.     She 
afterwards  went  to  the  bookcase  and  took  down  two  other 
books  having  red  binding,  and  looked  through  them,  evi- 
dently expecting  to  find  pictures  in  them  also.     One  day 
when  I  rose  to  take  my  leave,  she  patted  vigorously  on  the 
cushion  of  a  chair,  and  then  pulled  at  my  coat  to  induce  me 
to  prolong  my  stay. 

From  about  the  end  of  the  second  year,  the  reasoning 
power  in  most  children  makes  such  rapid  progress  that  it  is 
impossible  to  set  down  all  the  examples  that  are  to  hand. 
I  content  myself  with  one  more.  A  boy  of  two  years  was 
quite  familiar  with  the  articles  of  his  food  by  name,  and 
when  the  \^ord  milk  was  spoken  in  his  hearing,  he  clamored 
for  a  share  of  that  article.  His  mother  hit  upon  the  device 
of  spelling  the  word,  when  it  was  undesirable  that  his  atten- 
tion should  be  called  to  it.  Before  long,  however,  he  learned 
to  know  the  word,  even  when  spelled,  and  one  day,  when 
his  mother  asked  for  the  m-i-l-k,  lie  at  once  cried  out, 

VI.    The  Idea  of  Self. 

The  ph3nomena  which  accompany  and  indicate  the  gradual 
emergence  into  clear  consciousness,  of  what  Taine  calls  the 
"unextended  centre,"  the  "  mathematical  point,"  .by  relation 
to  which  all  the  "other"  is  defined,  and  which  each  of  us 
-calls  "I,"  or  "me,"  — the  external  evidences  that  the  child 
is  slowly  but  surely  becoming  "  aware  of  himself  as  a  perma- 
nent being,  distinct  from  the  objects  he  knows,  the  teelmgs 


OD. 

would  imnedi- 
idemann's  boy, 

to  accomplish 
md  a  half,  fur- 
logy.     She  had 

biuding.  She 
lowii  two  other 
ugh  them,  evi- 
dso.  One  day 
gorously  on  the 
at  to  induce  me 

,  the  reasoning 
ogress  that  it  is 
at  are  to  hand. 
f  two  years  was 
I  by  name,  and 
.ng,  he  clamored 
upon  the  device 
le  that  his  atten- 
irever,  he  learned 
L  one  day,  when 
once  cried  out, 


licate  the  gradual 
it  Taine  calls  the 
oint,". by  relation 
phich  each  of  us 
;es  that  the  child 
mself  as  a  perma- 
lows,  the  feelings 


INTELLECT.  °° 

he  experiences,  and  the  ends  he  chooses  "  '^>,— may  be  con- 
veniently classitied  under  four  heads : 

1     Thk  Child's  Treatment  of  his  own  Body. —In 

the  first  weeks  he  will  strike  or  scratch  his  own  face.     One 
boy  bit  his  own  finger  until  he  cried  with  the  pain,  even  in 
the  early  part  of  the  second  year.     In  the  ninth  month  the 
feet  are  still  eagerly  felt  of,  and  the  toes  carried  to  the 
mouth,  the  same  as  foreign  substances.     This  experimenta- 
tion with  his  own  limbs  goes  on  all  through  the  second,  and 
in  some  cases  well  on  into  the  third  year.     "In  the  first 
year  the  child's  organism  is  not  known  as  part  of  him- 
self "  *"'.     A  boy  of  nineteen  months,  when  asked  to  "  give 
the  foot,"  seized  it  with  both  hands,  and  tried  to  hand  it 
over<"'      A  little  girl,  a  little  over  two  years  old,  used  to 
enlarge  on  a  familiar  ditty  in  the  following  fashion:  "One 
for  papa,  one  for  mamma,  one  for  toses  (one  for  toes) '  <    . 
Sigismund  believes  that  the  child  learns  a  good  deal  about 
his  own  limbs  (and  so  takes  the  first  step  toward  a  knowl- 
edge of  self)  through  bringing  his  hand  to  his  mouth,  to  ease 
the  pain  of  the  growing  teeth.     The  feeling  is  different 
when  he  chews  his  own  finger  and  that  of  his  nurse.     A 
child  of  four  or  five  months  studies  his  own  fingers  atten- 
tively     When  one  hand  accidentally  grasps  the  other,  he 
looks  attentively  at  both.     Lying  on  his  back,  he  gazes  at 
his  legs  stretched  up  in  the  air.  ^ 

Closely  connected  with  this  is  the  child's  evident  delient 
in  his  own  activity  and  ability  to  do  things.  Wundt  beli  •  o.-; 
the  muscular  sense  plays  a  predominant  rdle  in  the  gene?-^ 
of  self-consciousness,  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  the 
acquisition  of  the  power  of  walking  contributes  very  largely 
to  the  growth  of  the  self-idea.  The  feeling  of  power  is 
engendered  by  the  discovery  that  he  can  cause  changes  in 
objects.     "An  extremely  significant  day  in  the  life  of  the 


84  THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 

infant  is  the  one  in  which  he  first  experiences  the  connf  ction 
of  a  movement  executed  by  himself  with  a  ^f^^'-l^l'^''''^'' 
following  upon  it">™.     Preyer's  boy,  in  the  fifth  month 
discovered  that  by  tearing  paper  he  could  produce  sound 
sensations;  also  by  shaking  a  bunch  of  keys,  opening  and 
closing  a  box  (thirteenth  month),  turning  the  leaves  of  a 
book,  etc.,  and  these  occupations  were  accordingly  carried 
on  with  a  perseverance  astonishing  to  an  adult.     He  experi- 
enced a  genuine  pleasure  in  finding  himself  a  cause. 

o    The  Child's  Bkhaviob  towards  his  Image  in  the 
MmiiOH.  -Darwin's  child  failed  to  interpret  his  reflection 
when  five  months  old,  but  two  months  later  he  had  accom- 
plished it,  and  at  nine  months  had  learned  to  associate  his 
name  with  the  image.     Another  child  at  eight  months  used 
to  look  at  his  reflection  with  wonder  (expressed  by  wide- 
open  eyes  and  immobility).     "  On  being  shown  a  hand  glass 
he  regards  his  image  with  interest,  smiles  and  tries  to  catc 
it      He  puts  his  hand  on  the  glass,  and  tries  to  take  hold 
of  the  image's  hand.     Then  he  turns  the  glass  over  and 
looks  up  in  wonder  at  the  result "  '-.     A  similar  perform- 
ance was  gone  through  by  a  boy  of  ten  months ;  and   six 
months  later,  he  was  found  one  day  standing  before  the 
class,  pulling  his  hair,  examining  his  eyes  and  ears,  and 
Sing  out  his  tongue  <-.     Preyer's  boy  did  not  notice 
himself  in  the  glass  when  three  months  old.     Three  weeks 
tt"r  he  looked' at  it.  but  with  indiiference      Two  weeks 
later  still,  he  regarded  it  with  attention,  and  laughed  at   he 
sight  of  it.     Near  the  end  of  the  sixth  month,  he  stretched 
out  his  hand  towards  it.     In  his  ninth  month  he  grasped  at 
it,  and  seemed  surprised  when  his  hand  came  against  the 
smooth  surface.     At  fourteen  months  he  passed  his  hand 
behind  the  glass,  as  if  searching  for  something.     He  after- 
wards behaved  in  the  same  manner  toward  a  photograph. 


lOD. 

.  the  connf  ction 
!nse-impression 
le  fifth  month, 

produce  sound 
rs,  opening  and 
the  leaves  of  a 
)rdingly  carried 
lit.     He  experi- 

a  cause. 

s  Image  in  the 
-et  his  reflection 
:  he  had  accom- 

to  associate  his 
ght  months  used 
)ressed  by  wide- 
)wn  a  hand  glass, 
md  tries  to  catch 
ries  to  take  hold 
e  glass  over,  and 

similar  perform- 
months;  and,  six 
,nding  before  the 
res  and  ears,  and 
ly  did  not  notice 
,ld.     Three  weeks 
nee.     Tvo  weeks 
md  laughed  at  the 
onth,  he  stretched 
)nth  he  grasped  at 

came  against  the 
)  passed  his  hand 
ething.  He  after- 
ird  a  photograph. 


INTELLECT. 


86 


In  the  sixteenth  month  he  made  grimaces  before  the  glass, 
laughing  as  he  did  so.  Two  weeks  later  he  looked  at  him- 
self often  in  tlie  glass,  with  pleasure  and  evident  vanity. 
At  twenty  months  he  connected  his  own  name  with  the 
image,  and  when  asked,  "Where  is  Axel?"  would  point  to 
the  reflection.  Another  child  knew  her  image  in  the  glass 
at  twelve  months,  would  point  to  it  and  say  Tatie  (Katie). 
A  little  boy  of  fifteen  months  calls  his  image  Titta,  by 
which  he  means  child  or  doll. 

3.  In  the  third  place,  we  have  those  actions  which  show 
the  beginnings  of  the  Feeling  of  Propkrtv,  such  as 
pride  in  personal  appearance,  and  in  adornment,  jealousy 
over  toys,  and  other  things  which  the  child  considers  his 
rights.  A  number  of  examples  have  already  been  given  in 
connection  with  the  emotion  of  jealousy.  As  regards  per- 
sonal adornment,  there  are  very  great  differences  among 
children,  some  taking  great  delight  in  it,  while  others  seem 
to  care  but  little  about  it.  A  little  girl  whom  I  have 
observed  since  her  first  year  seems  very  fond  of  it,  and  will 
spend  hours  in  adorning  herself  with  veils  and  feathers  and 
bracelets,  making  believe  she  is  some  fine  lady.  Whenever 
her  best  clothes  are  put  on,  or  a  new  hat,  she  is  very  proud 
and  walks  very  straight  and  dignified  indeed. 

4.  Lastly,  we  notice  the  Child's  Use  ok  the  Pronoun 
"I"  (Je,  Ich,  Ego).  It  is  interesting  to  remember  that, 
according  to  the  opinion  of  some  philologists  (Max  Miiller, 
for  example),  this  word  was,  at  the  beginning  of  the  develop- 
ment of  language,  a  demonstrative,  meaning  "  this  one,"  and 
was  probably  accompanied  by  a  gesture,  and  perhaps,  further 
back  still,  the  gesture  supplied  the  place  of  the  word.  Man 
spoke  of  himself  in  the  third  person  before  he  learned  to  use 
the  first  person.     Just  so  with  the  child.     He  first  calls 


't 


86 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


himself  by  his  proper  name,  or  he  uses  the  word  baby,  and 
the  intelligent  use  of  the  first  personal  pronoun  comes  late 
—  most  observers  put  it  as  late  as  the  third  year.  I  have 
never  heard  a  child  less  than  two  years  old  call  himself  "  I  " 
or  "me."  The  chief  difficulty  in  the  way  of  his  doing  so 
is  that  he  never  hears  the  word  applied  to  him  by  others. 
This  is  why  he  makes  such  errors  as  "Take  me  up  on  my 
(meaning  your)  lap." 

The  "  I "  feeling  is  often  present,  therefore,  before  tlie 
word  is  used.     The  concept  of  the  self  is  not  generated,  but 
only  rendered  more  exact  and  definite  by  speech.     On  the 
other  hand,  it  must  not  be  presumed  that  the  concept  is 
always  present  where  the  word  is  used.     Children  who  are 
constantly  in  the  society  of  those  who  use  the  word  will  use 
it  also,  merely  by  imitation  in  many  cases,  without  compre- 
hending its  meaning.     A  child  may  say  "I  am  hungry, 
without  any  idea  that  "  I  "  is  different  from  "  hungry    <"'. 
Perez  says:  "When  the  child  learns  to  say  'I'  or  'me, 
instead  of  'Charles  '  or  'Paul,'  the  terms  'I '  and  'me  '  are 
not  more  abstract  to  him  than  the  proper  names  which  he 
has  been  taught  to  replace  by  'I '  or  'me.'     Both  the  pro- 
nouns and  the  names  equally  express  a  very  distinct  and 
very  concrete  idea  of  individual  personality.     When  a  three- 
year-old  child  says  '1  want  that,'  it  is  only  a  translation  of 
'Paul  wants  that,'  and  'I,'  like  'Paul,'  indicates  neither  the 
first  nor  the  third  person,  but  the  person  who  is  himself,  his 
own  well-known  personality,  which  he  continually  feels  in 
his  emotions  and  actions.     An  abstract  notion  of  personality 
does  not  exist  in  a  young  child's  mind'"-'.     In  short,  so 
great  is  the  influence  of  the  environment  here,  that  scarcely 
anything  can  be  asserted  in  a  general  way  of  all  children. 
Some  children  scarcely  ever  hear  the  pronoun  "I."     The 
members  of  the  family  avoid  it,  and  say  instead:  "Mamma 
is  busy;"    "Sister  is  gone  to  school;"    "Baby  must  be 


)OD. 

word  baby,  and 
loun  comes  late 
d  year.  1  have 
all  himself  "  I  " 
of  his  doing  so 
him  by  others, 
ke  me  up  on  my 

fore,  before  the 
ot  generated,  but 
speech.     On  the 
t;  the  concept  is 
;hildren  who  are 
he  word  will  use 
without  compre- 
"I  am  hungry," 
m  "  hungry  "<"\ 
say  'I '  or  Mne,' 
I '  and  'me'  are 
■  names  which  he 
.'     Both  the  pro- 
very  distinct  and 
■.     When  a  three- 
y  a  translation  of 
icates  neither  the 
irho  is  himself,  his 
ntinually  feels  in 
ion  of  personality 
(•«'.     In  short,  so 
lere,  that  scarcely 
y  of  all  children, 
onoun  "I."     The 
nstead:  "Mamma 
"Baby  must  be 


INTELLECT. 


87 


good,"  etc.;  in  such  cases,  the  child  will  of  course  take  a 
long  time  to  acquire  the  word. 

In  many  cases,  me  is  used  before  /.  It  seems  easier,  for 
some  reason.  Sometimes  children  pass  through  a  sort  of 
transition  period,  when  /  is  used  indifferently  with  the 
proper  name,  or  even  with  ke.  Binet  says  of  the  little  girl 
he  observed  that  at  three  and  a  half  years  exactly,  she  first 
used  the  word  je,  in  the  sentence  je  ne  sais  jms.  Two  days 
after  she  said  je  ne  veux  pas.  But  long  after  that,  she  made 
many  mistakes  in  the  use  of  the  pronoun.  In  two  other 
children,  the  /  took  the  place  of  the  third  personal  designa- 
tion before  the  end  of  the  third  year,  and  I  preceded  me, 
and  you  was  later  than  either  <««'.  Another  child  at  twenty- 
five  months  used  my,  but  not  I'-^K 

Such  are  the  various  factors  entering  into  the  develop- 
ment of  the  child's  self-consciousness,  by  which  "  he  raises 
himself  higher  and  higher  above  the  dependent  condition  of 
the  animal,  so  that  at  last  the  difference  (not  recognizable 
at  all  before  birth,  and  hardly  recognizable  at  the  beginning 
after  birth)  between  animal  and  human  being"  attains  such 
infinite  magnitude. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


VOLITION. 

We  now  approach  the  most  diificult  as  well  as  the  most 
important  part  of  our  subject:  the  most  difficult,  because  of 
the  exceedingly  complicated  character  of  every  act  of  will; 
the  most  important,  because  of  the  vast  influence  which 
any  one's  theorv  of  volition  must  exert  upon  his  moral  and 
religious  ideas. "  Not  only  is  it  true  that  "  a  being  is  capable 
of  education  and  morality  in  proportion  as  he  is  capabl-  of 
will "  "»',  but  it  is  also  true  that  the  most  widely  separated 
views  touching  human  responsibility  and  destiny,  have 
grown  out  of  apparently  slight  differences  of  opinion  with 
regard  to  the  nature  and  freedom  of  the  will.  Tlie  follow- 
ing theories  are  quoted  to  show  the  trend  of  contemporary 
opinion  on  the  subject,  and  not  to  set  forth  the  present 

writer's  views. 

"  Out  of  the  desire  of  everything  that  has  once  occasioned 
pleasurable  fetling:^,  is  gradually  developed  the  child's 
will "  <"*.  In  Preyer's  view,  the  will  is  called  into  life  by 
the  union  of  two  representations,  viz. :  1st,  that  of  the  end 
desired;  2nd,  that  of  the  movement  necessary  to  attain  the 
end  The  latter  is  not  absolutely  necessary,  and  at  a  later 
period  is  no  longer  formed,  except  in  the  case  of  new  move- 
ments. The  idea  of  the  end  is  sufficient,  witliout  that  of  the 
means.     Will,  then,  is  based  upon,  and  grows  out  of,  desire.' 

1  Preyer's  theory  of  the  origin  of  will  is  not,  however,  an  empirical 
one,  as  the  following  quoUtion  will  show:  "It  is  an  error  to  ihn.k 

88 


'A 


well  as  the  most 
fflcult,  because  of 
every  act  of  will; 
,  influence  which 
)on  his  moral  and 
a  being  is  capable 
s  he  is  capable  of 
,  widely  separated 
nd  destiny,  have 
5  of  opinion  with 
vill.  Tlie  follow- 
.  of  contemporarj' 
forth  the  present 

as  once  occasioned 
loped  the  child's 
called  into  life  by 
st,  that  of  the  end 
5sary  to  attain  the 
sary,  and  at  a  later 
case  of  new  move- 
without  that  of  the 
■owsoutof,  desire.' 

however,  an  empirical 
t  is  an  error  to  think 


VOLITION. 


89 


In  Guyau's  opinion,  also,  a  complete  act  of  will  involves 
representations  of  two  sorts,  viz.:  Of  the  act  about  to  be 
performed,  and  of  another,  contrary  act,  which  might  have 
been  performed.  Action,  then,  is  the  resultant  of  a  struggle 
among  tendencies.'  ,.    ,    ,  a 

Perez  says :  "  The  will  is  born  little  by  little  from  reflex, 
impulsive  and  instinctive  movements,  which,  with  the  prog- 
ress of  the  faculties  of  perception  and  ideation,  and  after 
having  been  for  a  long  time  executed  and  varied,  fall  under 
the  action  (coup)  of  the  attention,  and  become  cons(!ious, 
reflected,  and,  in  a  word,  voluntary."     Will  in  its  negative 
form  (inhibition),  he  holds  to  be  also  a  matter  at  hrst  ot 
mechanism,  unconscious  and  involuntary.     It  is  a  suppres- 
sion, or  at  least  a  reduction,  of  reflex,  impulsive  and  instinc- 
tive movements,  by  the  fact  of  an  excitation  of  the  bram,  a 
sensation.     Thus  arrest  consists  at  first  simply  in  the  sub- 
stitution of  one  tendency  for  another.* 

Wundt,  on  the  contrary,  holds  that  there  is  no  such  thing 


that  the  will  arises  from  impressions  in  youtli ;  .  .  .  a  will  can  never 
be  created  in  a  cuild  from  external  experiences  ;  it  must  be  allowed  to 
develop  itself  from  the  inborn  germ  of  will "  <?*'. 

1  "La  pleire  volont6,  c'est-il-dire  le  dfiploiement  total  des  Energies 
interieures,  suppose  qu'ft  la  representation  de  I'acte  meme  qu'on  va 
accomplir,  s'associe  la  representation  afiaiblie  de  I'acte  contraire.  L 
ainsi,  nous  arrivons  k  cette  conclusion  :  II  n'y  a  pas  d'acte  plemement 
voluntaire  ou,  ce  que  revient  au  meme.  pleinement  conscient,  qm  ne 
soit  accompagnS  du  sentiment  de  la  victoire  de  certaines  tendances 
interieures  sur  d'autres,  consCquemment  d'une  lutte  possible  entre  ces 
tendances,  cons6auemment  enfin  d'une  lutte  possible  contre  ces  ten- 

•i  See  also  Ribot,  "  Les  Maladies  de  la  Volont6,"  p.  8.  Bain  "  The 
Emotions  and  the  Will."  Part  II.  Chap.  I.,  and  compare  Baldwm  s 
"Deliberative  Suggestion,"  in  which  various  "coordmated  stinmli 
meet,  affront,  oppose,  further  one  another,  .  .  .  response  answering 
to  appeal  in  a  complex  but  yet  mechanical  way  "  ('>. 


i^h 


'IKI 


90 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  CHILDHOOD. 


as  purely  reflex  and  involuntary  consciousness ;  that  activity 
of  attention  is  in  some  degree  present  even  in  mov^iients 
apparently  the  most  mechanical.* 

Professor  James  lays  down,  as  the  distinguishing  mark  of 
voluntary  movements,  an  antecedent  desire  and  intention  to 
perform,  and  conseiiuently  a  full  prevision  of  what  the 
action  is  to  be.  He  therefore  designates  voluntary  move- 
ments as  secondary  functions  of  our  organism,  while  "  reflex, 
instinctive  and  emotional  movements  are  all  primary  per- 
formances." He  makes  voluntary  movements  depend  on 
memory-images  of  former  involuntary  ones.  "  When  a  par- 
ticular mov  meut,  having  once  occurred  in  a  random,  reflex 
or  involuntary  way,  has  left  ?n  image  of  itself  in  the  mem- 
ory, then  the  movement  can  be  desired  again,  proposed  as 
an  end,  and  deliberately  willed.  But  it  is  impossible  to  see 
how  it  could  be  willed  before.  A  supply  of  ideas  of  the 
various  mover.imts  that  are  possible,  left  in  the  memory  by 
experiences  of  th".!,  involuntary  performance,  is  thus  the  first 
prerequisite  of  the  voluntary  life." 

It  will  be  seen  that  all  these  views  corroborate  the  posi- 
tion taken  in  the  present  work,  that  mental  phenomena 
undergo  a  process  of  transformation,  in  virtue  of  which, 
from  being  predominantly  physiological,  they  become  pre- 
dominantly psychical.  We  see  now  the  application  of  this 
law  to  movements  or  actions.  The  earliest  child  movements, 
in  the  opinion  of  these  writers,  are  not  voluntary,  but  only 
reflex,  instinctive,  etc.  Intelligent  apprehension  of  the  end 
sought,  and  of  the  means  by  which  that  end  is  to  be  attained, 
has  not  yet  taken  place,  and,  we  may  add  that,  until  it  has 
taken  place,  the  movement  is  no  more  entitled  to  be  called  an 
action  than  is  the  swayii.-  of  a  branch  in  the  breeze,  or  the 
"  action  "  of  the  piston-shaft  of  a  locomotive.    The  conscious 


i 


1  "  Menschen  and  Thierseele." 


OD. 

i;  thatactMty 
ill  inovf^Tients 

lishing  mark  of 
Liid  intention  to 
I  of  wlutt  the 
oluntary  uiove- 
,  while  "reflex, 
il  primary  per- 
mits depend  on 
"  When  a  par- 
,  random,  reflex 
3lf  in  the  mem- 
liu,  proposed  as 
mpossible  to  see 
of  ideas  of  the 
the  memory  by 
is  thus  the  first 

3orate  the  posi- 
ital  i)henomena 
irtue  of  which, 
ley  become  pre- 
ilication  of  this 
lild  movements, 
mtary,  but  only 
nsion  of  the  end 
is  to  be  attained, 
hat,  until  it  has 
id  to  be  called  an 
lie  breeze,  or  the 
.    The  conscious 


VOLITION. 


91 


subject  must  first  take  hold  of  the  movement,  and  put  him- 
self forth  in  intelligent  direction  of  that  movement  toward 
a  conceived  and  desireu  end,  and  then  it  becomes  transformed 
into  an  action.     It  seems  necessary  also,  in  order  to  avoid 
misunderstanding,  to  express  our  dissent  from  the  view  held 
by  some  of  these  writers,  that  the  will  is  a  derived  product, 
or  result  of  mechanical  movements,  a  something  which  has 
been  brought  to  the  birth  by  the  "travail  together"  of 
accidental  motions  in  an  animal  organism.     It  is  an  obvious 
hysleron  proteron  to  explain  the  rise  of  will  by  means  ot 
this  principle  of  transformation,  while  the  only  possible  way 
of  explaining  the  transformation  is  by  positing  voluntary 
activity.     It  is  said,  for  example,  that  will  is  born  (!)  little 
by  little  out  of  reflex  and  instinctive  movements,  which  have 
come  within  the  scope  of  the  attention;  and  again  that  will 
is  developed  out  of  the  desire  of  everything  that  has  occa- 
sioned pleasurable  feeling.     Now  both  attention  and  desire, 
as  we  understand  them,  are  impossible  without  volition. 
They  involve  active  direction  of  the  self  toward  the  object, 
and  this  is  volition.     So  far,  then,  from  being  the  ante- 
cedents of  will,  they  are  modes  of  its  manifestation,  and 
instead  of  ascribing  the  birth  of  will  to  the  transformation 
already  spoken  of,  in  virtue  of  which  movements  come 
within  the  scope  of  the  attention,  we  should  more  correctly 
ascribe  the  transformation  to  the  exercise  of  will.     The  will 
is  the  cause  and  not  the  effect  of  the  transformation.     It  is 
correct  enough  to  say  with  Preyer  that  will  is  developed  in 
connection  with  these  movements  and  desires  — if  by  devel- 
opment is  meant  only  growth  and  not  genesis  — hxit  when  it 
is  asserted  that  will  is  generated  out  of  actions  to  which 
attention  and  desire  are  directed,  it  is  only  necessary  to  ask : 
Out  of  what  are  attention  and  desire  generated?  to  reveal  at 
once  the  insufficiency  of  the  explanation. 

This  criticism  is  all  the  more  necessary  here,  because 


i:% 


'nil  1 

i 


if 


92 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OP  CHILDHOOD. 


Professor  Preyer's  classification  of  child-inovementi, —  as 
the  most  scientific  and  exhaustive  yet  made,—  is  adopted  in 
the  following  pages.     It  can  be  accepted  in   fcoto,  as  a 
description  and  classification  without  our  subscribing  in  the 
least  to  any  particular  theory  of  will-genesis  that  may  have 
been  founded  upon  it.     The  classification   is  as  follows. 
First,  we  have  a  multitude  of  movements,  not  involving 
peripheral  stimuli,  but  proceeding  entirely  from  internal 
conditions.     They  are  simply  the  result  of  an  overflow  of 
nervous  energy,  and  require  only  motor  —  not  sensori-motor 
—  processes.     They  are,  of  course,  will-less,  and  are  desig- 
nated impulsive  movements.     Secondly,  we  have  those  move- 
ments  (very  numerous   in  the  new-born)   which,  though 
requiring  peripheral  stimuli,  and,  therefore,  sensori-motor 
processes,  do  not  involve  active  attention  or  effort,  and  are, 
therefore,  will-less.      These  are  the  well-known  sensori- 
motor reflexes.     In  the  third  place,  there  is  a  kind  of  move- 
ments —  found  in  great  abundance  in  the  human  being,  and 
constituting,  probably,  the  majority  of  the  so-called  actions 
of  the  lower  animals  —  for  which  the  physical  and  emotional 
organism  is  specially  fitted  by  the  action  of  heredity.    These 
are  the  instinctive  movements.     Finally  there  supervene  on 
all  these  the  bona  fide  actio7is  of  the  person,  involving  desire 
of  end,  attention  to  the  object,  and  representation  of,  and 
deliberation  upon,  the  means  of  attainment,  as  well  as  the 
conscious  forth-putting  of  the  self  in  ejforftowards  the  reali- 
zation of  the  represented  end.     These  are  the  ideational,  or 
consciously  deliberated  and  voluntary  movements.    We  shall 
consider  these  in  this  order,  only  premising  that  because 
any  given  movement  is  here  classed  as  impulsive  or  reflexive, 
it  does  not  necessarily  follow  that  it  is  never  to  be  found 
in  any  other  class.     A  movement,  the  same  outwardly,  ma,y 
be  at  one  time  impulsive  and  at  another  ideational.     This 
is  one  application  of  the  principle  of  transformation. 


fl 


i.iiiininiTr'ini      ''    '  "•""'• 


MVaWMMMNaWIKatKn 


-J 


30D. 

aovementt, —  as 
—  is  adopted  in 
.  in  toto,  as  a 
jscribing  in  the 
3  that  may  have 

is  as  follows. 
I,  not  involving 
f  from  internal 

an  overflow  of 
ot  sensori-motor 
3,  and  are  desig- 
lave  those  move- 

which,  though 
e,  sensori-motor 
r  effort,  and  are, 
■known  sensori- 
a  kind  of  move- 
aman  being,  and 
so-called  actions 
al  and  emotional 
heredity.  These 
ere  supervene  on 
involving  desire 
ientation  of,  and 
t,  as  well  as  the 
owards  the  reali- 
the  ideational,  or 
ments.  We  shall 
ing  that  because 
Isive  or  reflexive, 
ever  to  be  found 
3  outwardly,  may 
ideational.  This 
brmation. 


VOLITION. 


I.    Impulsive  Movements. 


93 


The  majority  of  the  embyronic  movements  belong  to  this 
class      From  the  time  of  "  quickening, "  the  f oe,tus  performs 
numerous  muscular  movements  (mostly  set  on  by  processes 
of  nutrition  and  circulation)  prior  to  the  first  exercise  ot 
reflex  sensibility.     In  the  new-born  they  are  still  numerous, 
comprising  all  those  spontaneous  kickings  and  rollings, 
awkward    muscle-movements    and    comical    grimaces,    so 
noticeable  in  the  early  weeks  of  life.     The  hands  strike 
right  and  left  and  move  toward  the  face  without  any  definite 
obiect;  tlie  legs  tramp  and  kick  when  the  child  is  lield  up 
in  the  air;  the  eyes  may  be  observed  to  move  before  the  lids 
are  opened;  the  intra-uterine  posture  is  resumed  on  falling 
asleep;  the  limbs  are  stretched  on  awakening;   in  short, 
almost  every  muscle  of  the  body  is  '3xercised  without  any 
assignable  peripheral  stimulus.     The  movements  are  often 
symmetrical  (by  accident),  but  usually  at  first  asymmetri- 
cal     Some  of  them  (as  yawning  and  stretching)  persist 
through  life,  but  the  majority  have  disappeared  by  tlie  end 
of  the  second  year.     Many  of  them  are  unexpected  by  the 
child  himself;  he  is  evidently  surprised  to  find  himself  per- 
forming a  certain  movement,  and  afterwards  performs  it 
voluntarily,  with  numberless  repetitions,  and  evident  pride 
in  the  newly  discovered  ability. 

The  first  smile  doubtless  belongs  here,  as  also  the  peculiar 
crowing  heard  so  frequently  ii  the  first  year;  and  the 
numerous  "accompanying"  movements  made  by  the  child 
(such  as  holding  the  hands  in  a  certain  strained  position, 
with  the  fingers  spread  out,  while  drinking,  and  the  dreamy, 
wandering  motions  of  the  eyes  during  the  act  of  sucking). 
A  sleeping  child  suddenly  threw  up  one  of  his  hands,  which, 
coming  into  contact  with  the  eye,  pushed  the  lid  open.  The 
infant  slept  on  with  one  eye  open,- the  pupil  very  much 


94  THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 

contracted -until  by-and-by  the  hand  dropped  and  the  eye 

closed  "*' 

Although  possessing  in  themselves  no  direct  volitional 
significance,  yet  these  impulsive  movements  are  indirectly 
of  great  importance,  inasmuch  as  they  are  the  raw  materials, 
upon  which  the  gradually  awakening  child-will  exercises 
itself,  making  them  its  own,  and  transforming  them,  by 
means  of  conscious  activity,  into  voluntary  actions  properly 
so-called. 

II.   Reflex  MovEMENia. 

These  occur  as  the  response  of  the  nervous  system  to 
peripheral  stimulation,  without  the  participation  of  the  idea. 
If  thev  enter  into  consciousness  at  all,  it  is  only  during  or 
after  their  performance.     They  are  found  in  the  adult  in 
great  abundance  as  well  as  in  the  child;  and  are  very  well 
exemplified  in  the  sudden  movements  of  the  hands  when 
one's  hat  is  blown  off  in  the  street.     Though  heredity  prob- 
ably plays  a  considerable  part  in  facilitating  them,  yet  they 
do  not  take  place  in  the  earliest  infancy  with  that  certainty 
and  promptness  by  which  they  are  characterized  in  later 
life,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  case  of  eye  movements.     What 
seems  to  be  transmitted  is  a  potentiality,  which  needs  expe- 
rience to  transform  it  into  an  actuality. 

The  law  of  transformation  has  an  obvious  application 
here  Indeed  we  see  in  the  case  of  these  movements  a 
double  transformation:  that  which  was  at  first  a  reflex 
movement  becomes  afterwards  a  voluntary  one;  and  finally, 
by  virtue  of  repetition,  leading  to  the  formation  of  a  habit, 
it  becomes  once  more  reflex  or  automatic.  Probably  all 
mouth  movements  involved  in  the  enunciation  of  articulate 
sounds,  pass  through  all  these  stages,  as  we  shall  see  later. 
Reflex  movements  are  of  great  importance  in  will-growth, 


DOD. 

ped  and  the  eye 

iirect  volitional 
s  are  indirectly 
le  rav;  materials, 
id-will  exercises 
rming  them,  by 
actions  properly 


VOLITION. 


95 


srvous  system  to 
)ation  of  the  idea, 
is  only  during  or 

in  the  adult  in 
md  are  very  well 

the  hands  when 
gh  heredity  prob- 
ng  them,  yet  they 
ith  that  certainty 
acterized  in  later 
ovements.  What 
which  needs  expe- 

)vious  application 
lese  movements  a 
at  first  a  reflex 
f  one ;  and  finally, 
mation  of  a  habit, 
tic.  Probably  all 
ation  of  articulate 
we  shall  see  later. 
ace  in  will-growth, 


since  upon  them  the  voluntary  movements,  properly  so-called, 
supervene.  On  its  negative  side  also  (i.e.,  in  inhibition) 
the  will  develops  chiefly  in  connection  with  the  repression 

of  reflexes. 

In  the  earlier  stages  of  foetal  life,  according  to  Preyer,  no 
reflex  movements  can  be  elicited,  be  the  stimuli  never  so 
strong  and  varied;  and  even  after  there  have  occurred  many 
movements  of  an  impulsive  nature.     But  reflex  excitabil- 
ity increases  very  rapidly  in  the  later  months,  even  gentle 
stroking  calling  forth  many  movements.     Swallowing  as  a 
reflex  occurs  at  this  time;   and  foetal  movements  can  be 
evoked  by  changes  of  temperature.     Champneys  says  the 
curling  up  of  the  toes,  and  jerking  away  of  the  foot  when 
the  sole   is  tickled  (which  Mr.  Darwin  observed  on   the 
seventh  day  of  life),  can  be  produced  in  utero.     Only  from 
the  beginning  of  extra-uterine  life,  however,  does  the  reflex 
activity  of  the  nervous  system  obtain  full  play.     And  here 
the  earliest  and  most  prominent  are  the  various  respiration 
reflexes.     The  first  cry  is  undoubtedly  of  this  character, 
since  brainless  children  make  themselves  heard  in  the  first 
minutes  of  life  as  well  as  normal  children. »     Sneezing,  too, 
which  in  many  new-born  children  takes  the  place  of  crying, 
is  a  pure  reflex,  as  it  continues  to  be  through  life,  though 
the  complex  coordination  of  many  muscles,  by  which  it  is 
accompanied,  is  not  so  complete  in  the  child  as  in  the  man. 
Other  reflex   movements  connected  with   respiration   are 
coughing,  wheezing,  choking,  laughing  when  tickled,  hiccough- 
ing, and  the  like,  all   of  which,  with  the  exception   of 
laughter,  may  probably  be  observed  in  the  first  week.     A 
striking  proof  of  the  reflex  sensibility  of  the  respiratory 
apparatus  is  seen  in  the  fact  that  a  noise,  just  loud  enough  not 


1  See  several  cases  cited  by  Taine,  "  Intelligence,"  Part  I.  Book  IV. 
Chap.  I. 


m 


!'  \ 


96 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY    OF   CHILDHOOD. 


to  awaken  the  sleeping  child,  has  the  effect  of  increasing  the 
rajiidity  of  the  respirations  '"'. 

Starting  at  any  sound  or  jar,  does  not  occur  a-t  the  very 
first,  but  makes  its  appearance  early.  Generally  there  is 
silence  for  a  moment  after  the  disturbance,  as  though  the 
energies  were  temporarily  paralyzed.  Champneys  observed 
this  starting  first  in  the  fourth  week,  but  the  child  would 
not  start  twice  at  the  same  noise,  unless  it  was  very  loud. 
Children  are  very  susceptible  to  nervous  stimuli,  as  is  evi- 
dent from  the  frequency  of  convulsions  in  infant  life. 

Keflex  movements  of  the  limbs  are  numerous,  prompt  and 
early.     On  the   seventh  day  Darwin  tickled  the  sole  of 
his  child's  foot  with  a  piece  of  paper;  the  foot  was  jerked 
away  and  the  toes  curled  up.     He  remarks :  "  The  perfection 
of  these  involuntary  movements  shows  that  the  extreme 
imperfection  of  the  voluntary  ones  is  not  due  to  the  state  of 
the  muscles,  or  of  the  coordinating  centres,  but  to  that  of 
the  seat  of  the  will."     On  the  fourth  day  another  child 
clasped  a  finger  laid  in  his  hand<«»>.     From  the  fourteenth 
day  on,  tickling  the  sleeping  child's  temple  was  followed 
by  a  movement  of  the  hand  toward  the  place,  though  the 
hand  did  not  always  find  the  right  spot'"'.     The  left  hand 
did  not  always  respond,  in  Preyer's  experiments,  to  stimu- 
lus applied  to  the  left  side,  nor  the  right  hand  to  the  right 
side;   but  Pfluger  found  the  responses  constant  in  this 
respect.*    There  seem,  indeed,  to  be  two  sorts  of  reflexes: 
the  inborn  (such  as  spreading  the  toes  on  tickling),  which 
occur  from  the  first  hour  of  life  with  perfect  regularity  and 
accuracy;  and  the  acgutVed  reflexes,  which  are  neither  prompt 
nor  certain  at  first,  but  become  so  on  repetition. 

Very  important  in  this  connection  are  the  reflex  eye- 


»  So  also  Baldwin.    See  "  Infants'  Movements  "  in  Science,  Jan.  8, 
1892. 


mm 


OOD. 

)f  increasing  the 

jcur  aX  the  very 
jnerally  there  is 
3,  as  though  the 
mpneys  observed 
the  child  would 
t  was  very  loud, 
imuli,  as  is  evi- 
infant  life, 
rous,  prompt  and 
iled  the  sole  of 
;  foot  was  jerked 
"  The  perfection 
;hat  the  extreme 
iue  to  the  state  of 
s,  but  to  that  of 
ay  another  child 
m  the  fourteenth 
pie  was  followed 
place,  though  the 
i'.     The  left  hand 
•iments,  to  stimu- 
land  to  the  right 
constant  in  this 
sorts  of  reflexes: 
I  tickling),  which 
ect  regularity  and 
ire  neither  prompt 
tition. 
re  the  reflex  eye- 

\ "  in  Science,  Jan.  8, 


VOLITION. 


97 


movements  of  the  new-born  child.     The  examples  given  in 
the   tirst  chapter  of  the   responses  of  the  infant  eye  to 
impressions  of  light,—  turning  towards  the  light,  following 
a  moving  light  or  brightly  colored  object,  etc., — are  mostly 
examples  of  reflex  movements,  as  are  also  those  movements 
of  the  eyes  which  follow  touch-impressions  on  the  lashes, 
lids,  etc.     According  to  Preyer,  there  are   "six  different 
regular  reflex  movements  from  the  optic  nerve  to  the  motor 
oculi  alone,  which  appear  in  the  case  of  light  impressions." 
Least  developed  of  all  in  the  earliest  period  are  the  pain- 
reflexes.     The  new-born  in  many  cases  makes  no  response 
whatever  to  the  prick  of  a  pin,  as  Genzmer  has  shown.     The 
response  takes  place,  however,  when  the  stimulus  is  such  as 
to  affect  a  large  number  of  nerve  ends  at  the  same  time  (a 
slap  for  example).     This  tardiness  of  pain-reflexes  in  the 
new-born  does  not  show  that  he  is  insensible  to  pain,— 
though  he  is,  probably,  less  sensitive  than  the  adult  in  this 
respect,—  but  simply  that  the  nerve  connections  which  make 
reflex  movements  possible,  are  in  the  case  of  pain  sensations 
less  developed  than  those  of  the  skin  and  mucous  membrane. 
Finally  the  inhibition  of  reflexes,  by  which  the  will  of  the 
child  develops  on  its  negative  side,  is  very  difficult,  and 
therefore  a  late  attainment.     In  one  case  it  was  observed  as 
early  as  the  tenth  month,  when  the  child  for  the  first  time 
restrained  his  excretions '"> ;    in  another,  during  the  first 
quarter  of  the  second  year,  when  the  child  checked  an 
impulse  to  scratch  <";  and  in  a  third,  in  the  fifteenth  month. 
In  marked  contrast  to  this  is  the  inhibition  of  reflexes  in 
the  lower  animals,  where  it  often  takes  place  before  the  end 
of  the  foetal  period. 


t 


ii' 


IB' 


n 


h 


1. 


98  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  CHILDHOOD. 

III.    Instinctive  Movkments. 

These  differ  from  impulsive  movements  in  that  they  do 
not  occur  in  the  absence  of  appropriate  peripheral  stimuli. 
There  is  in  the  child  an  inborn  instinct  to  seize  with  the 
hand,  but  this  movement  takes  place  only  when  the  palm 
comes   into   contact   with   an    object.      They   differ    from 
impulsive  movements  also  in  having  an  end  or  purpose, 
though  this  end  may  not  be  known  at  the  time  of  their  per- 
formance.'    Besides  the  stimulus,  they  require  a  certain 
emotional  condition.     The  child  in  a  sorrowful  frame  of 
mind  does  not  laugh  when  his  toes  are  tickled.     They  differ 
from  ideational  movements  in  the  absence  of  a  pattern,  and 
of  any  conscious  effort,  or  previous  representation. 

One  of  the  strongest  instincts  in  the  child  is  to  seize 
objects  and  carry  them  to  his  mouth.     Attempts  at  this  have 
been  observed  as  early  as  the  fourth  day.     This  propensity 
to  make  the  mouth  the  test-organ  for  all  sorts  of  objects, 
has  been  explained  by  the  hypothesis  that  the  lips  may  have 
been  used  in  conjunction  with  the  hands  in  an  earlier  period 
of  race-progress,  much  more  extensively  than  at  present  ««>'. 
The  movements  of  the  hands  to  the  mouth  may  be  at  first 
accidental,  and  then  instinctive,  as  in  painful  teething.     It 
finally  becomes  reflex  through  the  formation  of  habits. 
The  contraposition    of    the  thumb  in  seizing  objects   is 
quite  slowly  learned  (in  one  case  as  late  as  the  12th  week). 
This   is   in  marked  contrast  to  the  facility  with  which 
young  monkeys,  less  than  a  week  old,  oppose  the  thumb 

in  seizing. 
As  to  the  rise  of  right  or  left-handedness.  Professor  Bald- 


1  "  Instinct  is  .  .  .  the  faculty  of  acting  In  such  a  way  as  to  pro- 
duce certain  ends  without  foresight  of  the  ends,  and  without  previous 
education  in  the  performance  "(«). 


M*i)lifiiiiiii^il*iti'*wi' 


mmm 


lOOD. 


TS. 


J  in  that  they  do 
jripheral  stimuli, 
to  seize  with  the 
y  when  the  palm 
?hey   differ    from 
I  end  or  purpose, 
time  of  their  per- 
require  a  certain 
irrowful  frame  of 
ded.     They  differ 
s  of  a  pattern,  and 
entation.    ' 
child  is  to  seize 
empts  at  this  have 
This  propensity 
1  sorts  of  objects, 
b  the  lips  may  have   ■ 
n  an  earlier  period 
than  at  present"*', 
uth  may  be  at  first 
inful  teething.     It 
mation  of  habits, 
seizing  objects   is 
as  the  12th  week), 
icility  with  which 
oppose  the  thumb 

;ss,  Professor  Bald- 
such  a  way  as  to  pro- 
I,  and  without  previous 


VOLITION. 


99 


J 


win  has  made  a  large  number  of  experiments,  whose  results 
may  be  summarized  as  follows : 

(1)  No  trace  of  preference  for  either  hand  was  discernible 
so  long  as  there  were  no  violent  muscular  exertions  made. 
In  over  2000  experiments,  one  hand  was  preferred  as  often 
as  the  other. 

(2)  From  the  sixth  to  the  tenth  month,  the  tendency  to 
use  both  hands  together  was  about  twice  as  great  as  the 
tendency  to  use  either  hand  alone.  (The  figures  are :  Num- 
ber of  experiments,  2187;  right  hand  used  alone  585  times, 
left  hand  alone  5()8  times,  both  hands  together  1034  times. ) 

(3)  Right-handedness  developed  under  the  pressure  of 
muscular  effort.  Preference  for  tlie  right  hand  in  violent 
efforts  in  reaching  appeared  in  the  seventh  and  eightli 
months.  Experiments  made  in  the  eighth  month  gave  this 
result:  Right  hand  74,  left  5,  both  1.  Under  the  stimulus 
of  bright  colors,  the  right  hand  was  employed  84  times,  and 
the  left  hand  only  twice.* 

Often  there  is  a  period  of  left-handedness  in  children  who 
afterwards  become  right-handed.  Sigismund  believes  that 
most  children  up  into  the  third  year  prefer  to  use  both 
hands  together. 

Among  instinctive  mouth  movements  the  earliest  and 
most  perfect  is  sucking.  Sometimes,  however,  even  this 
movement  is  far  from  perfect  at  the  beginning.  Many  of 
the  earliest  efforts  are  quite  fruitless,  owing  to  failure  in 
coordination.  This  movement  doubtless  takes  place  before 
birth,  since  it  may  be  observed  from  the  first  moments  of 
life.     On  its  development,  Kussmaul  remarks  to  the  follow- 


1  Professor  Baldwin  sees,  in  the  fact  that  preference  for  the  right  hand 
was  developed  only  in  connection  with  muscular  effort,  an  argument 
in  favor  of  the  "  innervation  "  theory.  For  the  opposite  opinion  see  a 
short  article  by  Professor  James  in  Science,  14  Nov.,  1890. 


>MHi«» 


j.ta« 


100 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OK   CHILDHOOD. 


Ih 


t! 


I 


ing  effect:  An  advance  is  made  on  the  mere  reflexes  when 
the  child  sucks  the  finger  thrust  into  his  mouth,  or  the 
nipple  of  the  breast.     Here  we  have  not  only  sensation, 
awakening  movement,  but  also  feelings  of  pleasure  or  dis- 
pleasure, with  answering  endeavors  and  mental  representa- 
tions of  the  simplest  kind.      Finally  the  will  learns   to 
regulate  these  movements  in  the  interests  of  the  individual. 
Other  instinctive  mouth  movements  are  biting  (which 
begins  about  the  fourth  or  fifth  month,  and  supersedes  suck- 
ing from  the  tenth  month),  chewing  (wliich  is  performed 
with  perfect  regularity  from  the  fourth  month),  grinding  the 
teeth  (which  is  quite  original,  and  probably  practiced  by  all 
babes  during  teething),  and  licking  (which  is  performed  in 
the  first  twenty-four  hours  "hardly  less  adroitly  than  in  the 

seventh  month  ")  *"'•  ,.     . 

Learning  to  walk  involves  a  whole  series  of  preliminary 
accomplishments,  first  among  which  is  the  ability  to  hold 
the  head  in  equiliorium,  which  may  be  accepted  as  the 
criterion  of  the  rise  of  voluntary  power.     This  is  usually 
accomplished  about  the  fourth  montli.     The  next  stage  is 
reached  a  mondi  or  two  later  in  the  ability  to  sit  alone 
upright      When  this  is  successfully  accomplished  for  the 
first  time,  the  soles  of  the  feet  are  frequently  turned  towards 
each  other  — a  partial  re-assumption  of  the  intra-uterine 
posture.     To  stand  alone  is  the  next  stage ;  and  any  one  who 
has  watched  the  attempts  of  a  little  child  to  stand  upright 
and  walk  will  be  convinced  that  he  is  moved  to  this  by  a 
natural  instinct.* 

It  is  an  important  epoch  in  a  child's  life  when  he  suc- 
ceeds in  standing  alone.     Whole  sets  of  muscles,  heretofore 

1  Sigismund  graphically  describes  the  child's  first  attempts  to  stand 
in  these  words:  "  Das  Kind  ist  selbst  von  seiner  ^erwegenheit  tttor- 
rascht,  steht  angstlich  mit  weit  gestellten  Ftissen,  und  lilsat  siQh  bald 
etwaa  umsanft  nieder"  <^K 


flOOD. 

ere  reflexes  when 
is  mouth,  or  the 
t  only  sensation, 
f  pleasure  or  clis- 
lental  representa- 
le  will  learns   to 
of  the  individual, 
ire   biting  (which 
i  supersedes  suck- 
lich  is  performed 
onth),  grindiiuj  the 
y  practiced  by  all 
h  is  performed  in 
iroitly  than  in  the 

les  of  preliminary 
he  ability  to  hold 
3  accepted  as  the 
r.  This  is  usually 
The  next  stage  is 
bility  to  sit  alone 
somplished  for  the 
itly  turned  towards 
f  the  intra-uterine 
3 ;  and  any  one  who 
Id  to  stand  upright 
moved  to  this  by  a 

3  life  when  he  suc- 
muscles,  heretofore 

first  attempts  to  stand 
ler  Verwegenheit  ttber- 
;en,  und  Itost  siqli  bald 


VOLITTON. 


101 


scarcely  used,  are  now  brought  into  activity,  and  his  progress 
is,  from  this   time   on,   more   all-sided   and   syiiiniptrical. 
Hitherto  his  locomotion  has  been  only  in  the  form  of  crt't'i>- 
ing  (which  is  performed  in  a  great  variety  of  ways,  some 
children  paddling  straight  ahead  on  all  fours,  like  little 
quadrupeds,  some  hitching  along  in  an  indescribable  manner 
on  tlieir  haunches,  and  some  going  backwards,  crab-fashion) ; 
but  for  the  child  who  has  learnt  to  stand  alone,  the  transi- 
tion to  walking  is,  in  a  very  literal  sense,  "only  a  step." 
The  first  conscious  steps  are  taken  very  timidly,  and  witli  an 
evident  fear  of  falling.     But  frequently  the  first  steps  are 
taken  unconsciously.     Sometimes  a  child  who  has  learnt  to 
walk,  partially  or  wholly,  reverts  for  a  season  to  creeping, 
for  no  apparent  reason.     Children  who  have  older  brothers 
or  sisters  are  likely  to  walk  at  an  earlier  age  than  others,  on 
account  of  the  example  and  assistance  of  these  older  ones. 
At  first  the  feet  are  placed  disproportionately  wide  apart, 
giving  rise  to  a  curious  waddling  motion;  while  sometimes 
a  child  runs  instead  of  walking,  and  staggers,  with  the  body 
inclined  forward,  and  the  hands  stretched  out  as  though  he 
were  afraid  of  falling,  the  feet,  too,  being  lifted  higher  than 
is  necessary.     Many  children  seem  more  amiable  after  they 
have  learned  to  walk,  doubtless  on  account  of  their  newly 
acquired  ability,  which  not  only  occupies  their  attention, 
but  enables  them  to  go  more  readily  to  the  objects  of  their 
desire  <*". 

It  is  perhaps  scarcely  necessary  to  call  attention  to  the 
fact  that  a  movement  may  be  instinctive  and  yet  not  make 
its  appearance  at  the  very  beginning  of  life ;  nor  to  the  fact 
that  instincts  are  not  absolutely  invariable,  but  are  subject 
both  to  inhibition  by  habits  and  also  to  natural  decay  from 
desuetude.^ 


»  See  Professor  James'  chapter  on  Instinct,  "  Principles  of  Psychol- 
ogy," Vol.  II 


1 


il     '     'V 


102 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


nil 


IV.   Idkational  Movements. 

Finally  in  virtue  of  the  aimless  and  will-less  execution  of 
vast  numbers  of  movements  of  tlie  nature  of  those  already 
treated,—  impulsive,  reflexive  and  instinctive,—  it  at  lengtli 
comes  to  pass  that  movemeuoS  are  performed  which  are  the 
expression  of  the  conscious  self,  the  index  of  will  in  the  t;ue 
and  only  proper  sense  of  the  word,  involving  a  previous 
representation  of  the  end  sought,  and  (in  their  earlier  stages) 
of  the  movements  involved  in  attaining  that  end,  as  well  as 
a  deliberate  forth-putting  of  the  self  in  conscious  effort 
towards  the  attainment.     To  such  movements,  and  to  such 
only,  should  the  name  of  actions  be  applied.     All  others  are 
only  movements.     It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  little 
child  passes  per  saltum  from  the  condition  indicated  in  the 
previous  sections  of  this  chapter,  to  that  of  explicit  self- 
conscious  activity.     Indeed,  it  would  be  a  very  false  view 
of  child-development  that  represented  the  various  stages  as 
following  one  another  in  rigid  succession,  with  hard  and 
fast  lines  showing  where  the  one  ends  and  the  next  begins. 
They  are  rather  to  be  compared  to  surfaces,  whose  boun- 
daries, vaguely  outlined,  overlap  each  other.     There  are  a 
few  impulsive  movements,  and  very  many  reflex  and  in- 
stinctive ones,  persisting  to  the  end  of  life 

We  shall  find  it  convenient  to  follow  Professor  Preyer  s 
subdivision  of  ideational  movements  into  three  classes.  In 
the  lowest  class,  we  have  movements  of  imitation,  which, 
though  indicating  activity  of  will  (at  least  in  their  later 
stages),  yet  depend  on  a  model  or  pattern,  and  are  never 
performed  by  the  child  unless  he  first  observes  their  per- 
formance by  others.  Next,  we  have  expressive  movements, 
which,  as  the  name  indicates,  are  a  more  or  less  conscious 
expression  of  feelings  ard  desires;  and  finally,  the  full- 
fledged  deliberative  actions. 


5HO0D. 


ilTTS. 


11-less  execution  of 
•8  of  those  already 
3tive, —  it  at  length 
rmed  which  are  the 
X  of  will  in  the  t.ue 
v^olving  a  previous 
their  earlier  stages) 
bhat  end,  as  well  as 
in  conscious  effort 
ments,  and  to  such 
led.     All  others  are 
3sed  that  the  little 
on  indicated  in  the 
lat  of  explicit  self- 
le  a  very  false  view 
he  various  stages  as 
lion,  with  hard  and 
nd  the  next  begins, 
rfaces,  whose  boun- 
sther.     There  are  a  _ 
naiiy  reflex  and  in- 
life 

r  Professor  Preyer's 
to  three  classes.  In 
of  imitation,  which, 
least  in  their  later 
ttern,  and  are  never 
t  observes  their  per- 
•.pressive  movements, 
Dre  or  less  conscious 
tnd  finally,  the  fuU- 


VOLITION. 


103 


(a)  Imitative  Movements.  —  These  may  be  divided  into 
two  species,  viz. :  Simple  imitation,  in  which  the  movement 
is  only  an  approximate  imitation,  and  no  second  attempt  is 
made ;  and  persistent  imitation,  "  which  marks  the  transition 
from  suggestion  to  will,  from  the  reactive  to  the  voluntary 
consciousness."  The  former  is  exemplified  in  the  single, 
isolated  attempt  on  the  child's  part  to  reproduce  a  sound 
made  by  another  person ;  the  latter,  in  the  repeated  efforts 
of  a  girl  of  fourteen  months  to  put  a  rubber  on  a  pencil, 
after  having  seen  her  father  do  it '",  or  of  a  boy  of  twelve 
months,  to  get  a  cord  into  the  hole  of  a  spool '"'. 

Two  points  should  be  mentioned  before  we  proceed  to 
record  observations  in  this  connection.  First:  When  a 
child  for  the  first  time  voluntarily  imitates  a  given  move- 
ment, which  he  has  already  performed  involuntarily  a 
number  of  times,  he  does  it  far  le  js  perfectly  than  when  he 
did  it  without  conscious  imitation.  "  If  I  clear  my  throat, 
or  cough  purposely,  without  looking  at  the  child,  lie  often 
gives  a  little  cough  likewise,  in  a  comical  manner.  But  if 
I  ask :  *  Can  you  cough?  '  he  coughs,  but  generally  copying 
less  accurately  "  ''''^'.  Second :  It  must  not  be  supposed,  even 
when  the  child  imitates  a  movement  deliberately  and  with  a 
clear  idea  of  it,  that  he  understands  in  every  case  the  mean- 
ing of  the  movement.  One  child,  in  the  tenth  month,  had 
learned  to  imitate  the  movement  of  beckoning,  but  he 
showed  by  the  expression  of  his  face  and  the  attendant  gest- 
ures, that  he  did  not  in  the  least  comprehend  the  significance 
of  the  beckoning  "**. 

As  early  as  the  third  and  fourth  months,  accorumg  to  one 
writer,  children  perform  little  tricks  which  indicate  the 
buddings  of  the  imitative  propensity.  Raw  attempts  at 
vocal  imitation  mtvy  be  observed  even  in  the  second  month, 
when  the  child  mjikes  a  response  to  words  addressed  to  him. 
This,  however,  is  mechanical.     In  the  third  month  the  child 


Jiffi. 


1(14 


THE  PSYCttOLOQY  OV  CHILDHOOD. 


will  imitate  looks,  i.e.,  he  will  look  at  an  object  which  others 
are  looking  at  <"'.  Egger  saw,  in  the  sixth  month,  an  instance 
of  imitation,  together  with  the  act  of  recollection  which  it 
involves.  Champneys  says  of  his  child:  "About  the  thir- 
teenth week  he  began  to  appear  to  attempt  to  join  in  con- 
versation, with  a  variety  of  articulate  sounds,  if  talking  was 
going  on  in  the  room."  Preyer  observes :  The  first  attempt 
at  imitation  occurred  in  the  fifteenth  week,  the  child  making 
an  attempt  to  purse  the  lips  when  one  did  it  close  in  front 
of  him.  In  the  seventeenth  week,  the  "  protruding  of  the 
tip  of  the  tongue  between  the  lips  was  perfectly  imitated 
once  when  done  before  the  child's  face,  and  the  child  in  fact 
smiled  directly  at  this  strange  movement,  which  seemed  to 

please  him  " '"». 

There  is  no  point  on  which  I  find  so  much  uniformity  as 
this,  that  imitation  begins  during  the  second  half  of  the 
first  year.     This   is  true   of  almost  all  children  without 
exception,  so  far  as  I  know,  and  extends  not  only  to  move- 
ments proper,  but  also  to  vocal  imitation,  as  we  shall  see. 
A  boy  of  seven  months  tried  hard  to  say  simple  mono- 
syllables after  his  mother  ^'"'K    Another  is  reported  to  have 
accomplished  his  first  unmistakable  imitations  when  seven 
months  old,  in  movements  of  the  head  and  lips,  laughing, 
and  the  like.     Crying  was  imitated  in  the  ninth  month,  and 
in  the  tenth,  imitation  of  all  sorts  was  quite  correctly  exe- 
cuted, though  even  at  the  end  of  the  first  year  new  move- 
ments,  and   those   requiring  complex  coordination,  often 
failed  <"'.     A  child  of  eight  and  a  half  months,  having  seen 
his  mother  poke  the  fire,  afterwards  crept  to  the  hearth, 
seized  the  poker,  thrust  it  into  the  ash-pan,  and  poked  it 
back  and  forth  with  great  glee,  chuckling  to  himself  <">. 
Another  child,  in  his  tenth  month,  imitated  whistling,  and 
later,  the  motions  accompanying  the  familiar  "pat-a-cake," 
etc.     In  his  eleventh  month  he  used  to  hold  up  the  news- 


itl 


DUOOD. 

abject  whjch  others 
month,  an  instance 
icollection  which  it 
:  "  About  the  thir- 
mpt  to  join  in  con- 
inds,  if  talking  was 
:  The  first  attempt 
k,  the  child  making 
id  it  close  in  front 
'protruding  of  the 

I  perfectly  imitated 
nd  the  child  in  fact 
it,  which  seemed  to 

much  uniformity  as 
second  half  of  the 

II  children  without 
s  not  only  to  move- 
in,  as  we  shall  see. 

say  simple  mono- 
■  is  reported  to  have 
itations  when  seven 
and  lips,  laughing, 
he  ninth  month,  and 
quite  correctly  exe- 
first  year  new  move- 
coordination,  often 
months,  having  seen 
jrept  to  the  hearth, 
h-pan,  and  poked  it 
ding  to  himself*"', 
itated  whistling,  and 
miliar  "pat-a-cake," 
10  hold  up  the  news- 


VOLITION. 


105 


paper,  and  mumble  in  imitation  of  reading*"'.     Another 
boy,  in  his  eleventh  month,  used  to  cough  and  sniff  like  his 
grandfather,  and  amused  himself  by   grunting,  crowing, 
gobbling  and  barking  in  imitation  of  the  domestic  animals 
and  birds  *<^'.     A  little  girl  of  this  age  used  to  reproduce 
with  her  doll  some  of  her  own  experiences,  such  as  giving 
it  a  bath,  punishing  it,  kissing  it,  and  singing  it  to  sleep. 
One  fine  morning  in  May  I  took  the  little  boy,  R.,  for  a 
walk  through  a  beautiful  avenue,  where  the  trees  on  each 
side  met  overhead  in  a  mass  of  foliage.     These  trees  were 
full  of  birds,  busy  with  their  nest  building,  and  full  of  song. 
The  little  fellow  was  fairly  enchanted.     He  could  not  go 
on.     Every  few  steps  he  would  stop  (at  the  same  time  pulling 
at  my  hand  to  make  me  stop,  too),  and  looking  up  into  the 
trees,  with  his  head  turned  on  one  side,  would  give  back  the 
bird-song  in  a  series  of  warbling,  trilling  notes  of  indescrib- 
able sweetness.    I  very  much  doubt  whether  any  adult  voice, 
however  trained,  or  any  musical  instrument,  however  com- 
plicated, could  reproduce  those  wonderful  inflections.     The 
same  boy,  a  little  later,  used  to  imitate  with  his  voice  the 
boys    whistling   in   the   street,    giving    the    right   pitch. 
Another  boy,  at  thirteen  months,  brushes  his  hair,  tries  to 
put  on  his  shoes  and  stockings,  and  many  other  similar 
things  «^'.     Indeed  the  whole  life  of  the  child  of  this  age  is 
full  of  imitation.     Going  out  with  the  girl,  F.,  I  observed 
that  she  did  almost  everything  I  did;  I  brushed  some  dust 
from  my  coat  and  she  immediately  "  brushed  "  her  dress  in 
like  manner.     It  is  in  fact  difficult  fully  to  realize  how  the 
child  of  this  age  is  watching  our  every  movement,  and 
learning  thereby.     Not  only  parents  and  teachers,  but  every 
one  who  cjomes  in  contact  with  the  child,  even  casually  and 
occasionally,  contributes  his  share,  whether  he  will  or  not, 
in  the  child's  education.     The  moral  of  this  is  too  obvious 
to  require  repetition. 


I\^ 


106 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 


II 


(6)  Expressive  Movements.  —These  arise  out  of  those 
already  treated  of.     Impulsive,  reflex,  instinctive  and  even 
the  simpler  imitative  movements,  are  not  intentional  expres- 
sions of  mental  states.     But  a  movement  which  was  at  first 
impulsive  or  reflex  may  become  the  manifestation  of  such 
states.     The  first  cry  and  the  first  puckering  of  the  mouth 
(which  Kussmaul  noticed  in  children  less  than  an  hour  old, 
when  a  bitter  substance  was  brought  into  contact  with  the 
tongue)  are  only  the  reaction  of  the  organism  to  external 
stimuli.     But  later,  both  the  cry  and  the  gesture  fall  within 
the  control  of  the  will,  and  are  transformed  iuto  the  pur- 
posive utterances  of  the   conscious  self.     Many,  perhaps 
most,  of  the  expressive  movements  are  impulsive  or  other 
movements  which  have  been  thus  transformed. 

The  first  so-called  smile,  for  example  (which  may  be 
observed  in  children  less  than  two  weeks  old),  is  simply  an 
impulsive  movement  resulting  from  agreeable  feeling;  and 
a  reflex  laugh  may  be  elicited  from  a  child  very  early  by 
tickling  the  soles  of  his  feet.     In  one  case  the  first  real 
smiles  were  observed  from  the  26th  day;  and  in  the  eighth 
Aveek  enjoyment  of  music  was  manifested  by  laughing  and 
smiling,  accompanied  by  lively  movements  of  the  limbs,  and 
a  bright,  glean.ing  expression  of  the  eyes.     The  imitative 
laugh  began  about  the  ninth  month  <"'.     Egger  thinks  the 
time  when  intelligence,  properly  speaking,  appears,  is  marked 
by  the  advent  of  the  laugh,  which  he  obse.ved  for  the  first 
time  after  the  fortieth  day.     Sigismund  first  observed  a 
smile  in  the  seventh  week.     Many  children,  he  says,  smile 
first  in  sleep;  then  soon  after  in  response  to  the  friendly 
looks  of  others.     This  responsive  smile  he  believes  is  the 
first  sign  of  consciousness  of  and  response  to  sensations 
received  from  others.     Many  have  observed  the  smile  as 
early  as  the  second  and  third  or  even  the  first  week,  but  so 
far  as  I  am  aware,  no  one  attributes  conscious  expression  to 


HOOD. 

arise  out  of  those 
stinctive  and  even 
nteutional  expres- 
which  was  at  first 
ifestation  of  such 
ing  of  the  mouth 
than  an  hour  old, 
0  contact  with  the 
anism  to  external 
gesture  fall  within 
rmed  into  the  pur- 
:.     Many,  perhaps 
mpiilsive  or  other 
irmed. 

le  (which  may  be 
;  old),  is  simply  an 
seable  feeling;  and 
jhild  very  early  by 
case  the  first  real 
;  and  in  the  eighth 
!d  by  laughing  and 
ts  of  the  limbs,  and 
es.     The  imitative 
Egger  thinks  the 
;,  appears,  is  marked 
bse.ved  for  the  first 
ad  first  observed  a 
Iren,  he  says,  smile 
use  to  the  friendly 
)  he  believes  is  the 
aonse  to  sensations 
erved  the  smile  as 
lie  first  week,  but  so 
iscious  expression  to 


VOLITION. 


107 


the  smile  of  a  child  less  than  a  month  old.     Mr.  Darwin 
believes  he  saw  a  smile  of  mental  origin  on  the  forty-fifth 
day.     M.  Guyau  thinks  the  smile  is  reflex  in  its  origin. 
Tiedemann  observed  a  smile  in  the  second  month,  and  genu- 
ine laughter  in  the  third.     So  also  several  others.     The 
boy,  C,  laughed  aloud  when  being  undressed.    He  was  then 
three  months  old.     Three  weeks  later,  when  some  one  was 
reading  aloud,  he  laughed  and  cooed  until  the  reader  was 
obliged  to  stop.     He  evidently  thought  the  reading  was  in- 
tended for  his  special  entertainment.     A  boy  of  the  same 
age  laughed  aloud  one  day  without  any  apparent  cause  (">. 
The  psychic  development  of  the  smile  is  well  stated  in  the 
following  words :  "  The  smile  begins  when  the  infant  first 
begins  to  be  conscious  of  outside  things ;  attention  gradually 
becomes  closer  and  more  fixed;  the  smile  at  this  stage  is  the 
mere  stare,  vacant  at  first,  but  growing  steadily  more  intel- 
ligent and  wondering  in  its  appearance.     About  the  third 
week  this  begins  to  relax  very  slightly  into  the  appearance 
of  pleasure.     At  this  point  there  comes  first  more  and  more 
of  a  glow  on  the  face  —  a  beaming  —  then  in  a  day  or  two  a 
very  slight  relaxation  of  the  muscles,  increasing  every  day. 
This  dawning  smile  is  often  very  beautiful,  but  it  is  not  yet 
a  smile.     It  is  almost  a  smile,  but  I  am  confident  no  one 
will  ever  know  the  exact  day  when  the  baby  fairly  and 
intelligently  for  the  first  time  smiles  "  <"»*. 

On  Pouting  and  Pursing  the  Lips  as  an  expressive  move- 
ment, Preyer  observes  in  substance:  There  are  three  sorts 
of  pouting,  differing  from  each  other  according  to  the  cause. 
First,  there  is  a  protrusion  of  the  lips,  which  may  be 
observed  in  some  children  from  the  first  hour  of  life,  and 
which  is  purely  impulsive.  Secondly,  the  pursing  of  the 
mouth  when  attention  is  closely  strained  (f.s  in  learning  to 
write  or  draw).  This  appears  as  early  as  the  fifth  week, 
and  continues  to  the  end  of  life  in  many  instances.    Thirdly, 


il  \i 


108 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OP  CHILDHOOD. 


the  pout  of  suUenness,  which  makes  its  appearance  much 
later  than  the  others,  and  is  not  due  to  imitation  (for  it 
occurred  where  there  had  been  no  opportunity  for  imita- 
tion), but  is  undoubtedly  hereditary. 

The  kiss,  as  an  expressive  action,  is,  on  the  other  hand, 
not  hereditary,  but  acquired.  Some  nations  do  not  practice 
it  The  child  has  to  learn  it,  and  he  is  somewhat  late  in 
learning  it,  as  observations  show.  Very  seldom  does  the 
child  understand  its  meaning,  or  give  it  spontaneously,  until 
the  second  year  of  life. 

The  child's  cry  is  at  first  not  expressive;  and  when  it 
becomes  so,  it  varies  greatly  in  different  children.     Accord- 
ing to  one  observer,  "Crying  took  place  at  first  without  any 
squaring  of  the  mouth,  the  sound  was  that  of  'nga     as 
expressed  in  German.     It  must  have  been  produced  by  clos- 
ing the  fauces  by  contact  of  the  pillars  of  the  fauces  and  the 
soft  palate,  so  as  to  send  all  the  sound  through  the  nose. 
Vowel  sounds  were  then  produced  by  separating  the  soft 
palate  and  the  pillars  of  the  fauces,  and  allowing  the  sound 
to  come  through  the  mouth  "<»>.     He  goes  on  to  say  that 
the  child  seemed  to  cry  at  first  for  three  reasons :  Loneliness 
or  fright,  hunger,  or  pain;  and  these  cries  seemed  all  differ- 
ent in  character;  but  he  does  not  say  when  this  difference 
became  apparent.      The  first  crying  is  only  squalling;    it 
has  no  expressive  intonations.     The  transition  from  the 
meaningless  cry  to  the  significant  voice,  with  different  cries 
to  express  diiferent  mental  states,  has  been  observed  as 
early  as  the  second  month  <»>,  and  in  other  cases  during  the 
third  month.     The  little  girl  W.,  when  four  months  old, 
"expressed  hunger  by  cries  that  were  short  and  shrill,  fol- 
lowing each  other  rapidly,  and  not  so  loud  as  other  cries. 


1  For  further  remarks  on  this  transition  from  the  meaningless  to 
the  significant  cry  see  Chap.  V.,  sec.  IIL 


)HOOD. 

appearance  much 
)  imitation  (tor  it 
rtunity  for  imita- 

)n  the  other  hand, 
ons  do  not  practice 
i  somewhat  late  in 
Y  seldom  does  the 
pontaneously,  until 

isive;  and  when  it 
children.  Accord- 
it  first  without  any 
!  that  of  'nga'  as 
n  produced  by  clos- 
f  the  fauces  and  the 
I  through  the  nose, 
separating  the  soft 
allowing  the  sound 
foes  on  to  say  that 
reasons:  Loneliness 
es  seemed  all  differ- 
hen  this  difference 

only  sqimlling;  it 
transition  from  the 

with  different  cries 
s  been  observed  as 
lier  cases  during  the 
n  four  months  old, 
hort  and  shrill,  fol- 
)ud  as  other  cries."* 


rom  the  meaningless  to 


VOLITION. 


109 


Weeping.— The  new-born  do  not  shed  tears,  no  matter 
how  hard  they  cry.     At  a  later  period  they  cry  and  weep 
together,  and  they  can  also  cry  without  weeping.     But  to 
weep  without  crying  comes  much  later,  and  is  compara- 
tively rare  in  childhood.     One  or  two  cases  are  reported  of 
tears  being  shed  by  children  two  weeks  old,  but  most  of  the 
observations  point  to  a  later  date.     In  one  case  the  first 
tears  were  shed  at  the  end  of  the  third  waek,  in  another  m 
the  fourth  week,  while  in  other  cases  tears  were  seen  to  flow 
down  the  face  in  the  sixth,  ninth,  twelfth,  fourteenth,  fif- 
teenth and  sixteenth  weeks  respectively.     Darwin's  child 
shed  tears  in  the  twentieth  week,  but  as  early  as  the  tenth 
his  eyes  were  moist   in  violent  crying.     He  thinks  that 
children  do  not  usually  shed  tears  until  the  second,  third  or 
fourth   month.     From   the  second  year  onward,  children 
weep  much  more  easily  than  at  an  earlier  period,  and,  later 
still,  the  inhibition  both  of  tears  and  crying  is  a  significant 
mark  of  the  growing  power  of  the  will. 

Nodding  the  head  in  assent,  and  .shaking  it  in  refusal,  are 
at  first  entirely  different  from  each  other  in  mental  signifi- 
cance     The  latter  is  an  in-born  reflexive  or  instinctive 
movement,  while  the  former  is  acquired.     The  child  who 
has  satisfied  his  hunger,  will  turn  his  head  from  side  to 
side  in  refusal  of  further  proffered  nourishment  when  less 
than  a  week  old.    This  movement  becomes  expressive  almost 
from  the  first.     It  is  generally  accompanied  by  the  partial 
closing  of  the  eyes,  and  often  by  arm-movements  of  "ward- 
ing off."    Nodding  in  one  case  was  not  imitated  until  the 
fourteenth  month,  and  eyen  then  very  imperfectly.     Even 
after  it  was  finally  learnt,  its  meaning  was  often  confounded 
with  that  of  shaking  the  head.     The  child  would  shake  his 
head  for  "  yes, "  and  nod  it  for  "  no. "     In  another  case,  both 
nodding  and  shaking  the  head  had  become  expressive  by 
the  fifteenth  month  *•»>.  - 


110 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OP  CHILDHOOD. 


Other  examples  of  expressive  movements  which  may  be 
observed  in  children  at  a  very  early  age,  are  the  following : 
Clasping  the  hands  together,  or  waving  them  very  quickly 
back  and  forwards,  or  up  and  down,  to  express  eager  desire 
for  something;  reaching  out  with  uplifted  hands  and  ex- 
tended arms  for  the  same  purpose,  or  even  sometimes  clap- 
ping the  hands  quickly  together,  after  the  manner  of  an 
"encore;"    violent  straightening  of  the  back  in  anger;  a 
curious  bearing,  almost  indescribable,  showing  vanity;  be- 
sides several  gestures  expressive  of  affectation,  and  a  variety 
of  facial  expressions  and  vocal  inflections  impossible  to 
describe.     "Jealousy,  pride,  pugnacity,  covetousness,  lend 
to  the  cliildish  countenance  a  no  less  characteristic  look 
than  do  generosity,  obedience,  ambition."     All  these  facial 
expressions  and  bodily  movements  "  appear  in  greater  purity 
in  the  child,  who  does   not  dissemble,  than  they  do  in 
later  life  "'">. 

(c)  Deliberative  Movements.  —  Finally  we  reach  that 
stage  — not  necessarily  subsequent  to  all  the  others,  but 
partially  synchronous  with  them  —  in  which  the  will  rises 
to  its  proper  place  as  "master  of  ceremonies,"  brings  into 
subjection  the  impulsive  and  instinctive  tendencies  of  which 
we  have  spoken,  and  assumes  control  of  the  child's  activities. 
To  express  this  truth  by  saying  that  the  faculty  of  will  has 
come  into  being,  is  misleading,  simply  because  there  is  no 
"  faculty  "  of  will  considered  as  a  separate  entity.  The  will 
IS  the  person  considered  as  active;  and,  instead  of  saying 
that,  with  the  advent  of  what  we  call  ideational  movements, 
the  will  is  born,  and  with  that  of  deliberative  movements  it 
is  perfected,  it  would  be  more  correct  to  say  that  these  move- 
ments are  the  first  outward  indications  that  the  child  is 
becoming  the  conscious  master  of  his  own  activity. 

lu  order  to  perform  deliberative  or  voluntary  actions  in 


HE 


'".!i''8^?Hry(^'" 


■iiijiilmFiwwwW— 8MWBW 


HOOD. 

its  which  may  be 
ire  the  following: 
hem  very  quickly 
;)ress  eager  desire 
3d  hands  and  ex- 
n  sometimes  clap- 
he  manner  of  an 
back  in  anger;  a 
awing  vanity;  be- 
;ion,  and  a  variety 
jns   impossible  to 
jovetonsness,  lend 
sharacteristic  look 
'     All  these  facial 
ir  in  greater  purity 
than  they  do   in 


ally  we  reach  that 
ill  the  others,  but 
hich  the  will  rises 
onies,"  brings  into 
endencies  of  which 
e  child's  activities, 
faculty  of  will  has 
»ecause  there  is  no 
e  entity.  The  will 
instead  of  saying 
itional  movements, 
ative  movements  it 
ay  that  these  move- 
I  that  the  child  is 
n  activity, 
oluntary  actions  in 


VOLITION. 


Ill 


the  proper  sense  of  the  term,  it  is  necessary  that  the  child 
should  have  had  experience  of  a  large  number  of  movements 
of  the  involuntary  sort.     For,  like  the  man,  he  can  create 
nothing;  the  most  he  can  do,  is  to  combine  and  separate,  to 
analyze  and  sythesize  the  materials  that  come  to  his  liand. 
Man's  greatest  achievements  consist  simply  in  modifying, 
changing,  separating,  combining  and  rearranging  familiar 
material.     So  the  child   in  all  his  numerous  movements 
accomplishes  nothing  absolutely  new;    he   only  uses   old 
movements,  varying  them  it  is  true,  in  numberless  ways, 
but  really  adding  nothing  of  his  own  creation.     Therefore 
the  exercise  of  voluntary  activity  requires  memory  of  invol- 
untary muscular  movements  previously  executed.     For  a 
voluntary  movement  is  one  which  is  pictured  beforehand  in 
the  imagination,  or,  if  the  movement  itself  be  not  thus  pic- 
tured, the  end  of  the  movement,  at  least,  must  be.     But  in 
order  to  represent,  we  must  first  pj-esen<;  or  in  other  words, 
in  order  to  imagine  a  movement,  either  in  process  or  in 
product,  that  movement  must  first  have  been  perceived;  and 
this  means  that  the  child  must  have  seen  it  performed  by 
others,  and  felt  it  performed  by  himself  —  involuntarily — 
before  he  could  perform  it  deliberately.     So  we  find  that 
deliberative  movements  are  gradually  acquired,  and  super- 
vene upon  a  vast  number  of  impulsive,  reflexive  and  instinc- 
tive movements.     For  example,  grasping  with  the  hand  is 
at  the  beginning  a  pure  reflex,  as  we  have  seen,  but  gradu- 
ally, after  many  repetitions,  this  movement  is  remembered; 
actual  performance  of  the  movement  has  led  to  the  formation 
of  a  mental  image  of  it,  as  well  as  a  more  perfect  physio- 
logical adjustment  favoring  its  performance.     So  that  when 
desire,  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word,  takes  place,  atten- 
tion is  bestowed  upon  the  object  sought  and  on  the  movement 
involved,  and  the  action  is  deliberately  performed.     So  we 
see  that  a  strictly  deliberative  movement  — an  action  — 


,-  \% 


%  1. 


I  % 


112 


THE    PSYCHOLOGY    OF   CHILDHOOD. 


presupposes  desire,  attention  and  memory-image^..      It  is 
therefore  not  to  be  expected  that  we  shall  find  bona  fifle 
actions  in  very  young  infants.     Preyer  found  no  movement 
in  the  first  three  months  which  could  be  announced  with 
absolute  certainty  as  a  deliberative  movement.     Tiedemann 
saw  the  first  intended  liolding  of  objects  in  the  fourth  month. 
Another  child,  at  six  months,  showed  a  great  deal  of  per- 
sistent effort.     "  He  would  over  and  over  again  seem  to  be 
trying  to  solve  the  problem  of  the  hinge  to  his  nursery 
door,  patiently   and  with  rivetted  attention   opening  and 
shutting  the  door.     Day  after  day  saw  nim  at  his  self- 
appointed  task"  <"'.     A  boy  of  eleven  moi  ths,  m  striking 
a  spoon  against  another  object,  would  sudd^aly  change  it  to 
the  other  hand,  apparently  testing  whence  the  noiso  pro- 
ceeded.    When  fourteen  months  old,  while  playing  with  a 
tin  can,  he  put  the  cover  on  and  off  "not  less  than  seventy- 
nine  times  without  stopping  a  moment,  his  attention  mean- 
time strained  to  the  utmost "  <">.   Indeed  the  child's  attention 
seems  capable  of  surprising  prolongation  in  connection  with 
muscular  movement.      A  little   girl  of  nineteen  months 
brought  out  her  toy  blocks  „o  show  me.     I  helped  her  to 
build  houses  with  them.     Delighted  with  this  play,  she 
showed  a  surprising  persistence;  and  when  I  grew  tired  and 
wished  to  stop,  she  made  me  keep  on  longer  f^'.     It  is  by 
means  of  this  incessant  activity  that  the  child  develops 
both  mentally  and  physically. 

The  ability  to  inhibit  movements,  though  often  difficult 
to  observe  with  accuracy,  seems  to  me  one  of  the  most  cer- 
tain criteria  of  the  presence  of  will.  To  keep  himself  from 
moving  is  surely  more  difficult  than  to  move,  in  a  being  so 
constitutionally  restless  as  the  average  child.  Children  of 
five  months  <">,  others  of  six  <«»,  and  others  of  seven  or  eight 
months '",  have  been  observed  to  refrain  from  reaching  for 
an  object  that  was  much  beyond  their  reach.     The  little 


tl. 


wmt 


HOOD. 

ry-imagePi.  It  is 
all  find  bona  tide 
und  no  movement 
e  announced  with 
lent.  Tiedemann 
the  fourth  month, 
great  deal  of  per- 

again  seem  to  be 
ge  to  his  nursery 
tion  opening  and 
r  nim  at  his  self- 
lorths,  in  striking 
ld*inly  change  it  to 
ice  the  noiso  pro- 
lie  playing  with  a 
,  less  than  seventy- 
lis  attention  mean- 
he  child's  attention 

in  connection  with 
I  nineteen  months 
.  I  htlped  her  to 
rith  this  play,  she 
en  I  grew  tired  and 
onger(*">.  It  is  by 
the  child  develops 

lough  often  difficult 
me  of  the  most  cer- 
0  keep  himself  from 
move,  in  a  being  so 
child.  Children  of 
lers  of  seven  or  eight 
n  from  reaching  for 
r  reacli.    The  little 


VOLITION. 


113 


boy  R.,  when  threatened  with  punishment  for  continued 
crying,  is  able  to  desist. 

The  development  of  desire  and  attention  has  perhaps  been 
sufficiently  indicated  in  the  foregoing  paragraphs.     Desire, 
in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word,  is  the  primary  stage  in 
every  volition;  and  no  volition  can  take  place  without  atten- 
tion.    The  child's  attention  is  comparatively  weak  and  inter- 
mittent.    He  cannot  attend  to  the  unimpressive,  the  stimulus 
must  be  strong,  must  be  on  the  motor  side,  and  must  be 
frequently  renewed.     His  attention  is  very  easy  to  obtain, 
but  very  hard  to  retain.     This  double  fact  in  his  nature 
renders  him  capable  of  education,  but  at  the  same  time  makes 
his  education  a  gradual  process,  which  must  consist  largely 
in  the  formation  of  right  habits  in  him  through  imitation, 
to   which,  as  we  have  seen,  he  is  so  excessively  prone. 
M.  Guyau  indeed  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  by  a  judicious 
use  of  the  child's  susceptibility  to  imitative  suggestion,  we 
may  make  of  him  almost  what  we  please.     And  this  seems 
indeed  not  far  from  the  truth,  when  we  consider  the  child's 
wonderful  susceptibility  to  every  passive  impression,  and 
his  no  less  wonderful  predisposition  to  reproduce  it  in  his 
own  untiring  activity. 


CHAPTER   V. 


LANGlAGE.i 


The  profound  psychogenetic  significance  of  the  language 
function,  not  only  as  an  index  of  mind  development,  but 
also  as  ii  factor  in  that  development,  justifies  its  treatment 
in  a  separate  chapter.  Such  separate  treatment  would  not 
otherwise  be  justifiable,  inasmuch  as  language  does  not  con- 
stitute a  new  psychic  phenomenon,  or  class  of  phenomena, 
differing  in  any  essential  respect  from  those  already  treated. 
It  rather  partakes  of  the  nature  of  them  all,  nnd  consti- 
tutes a  grand  i)roduct  of  their  conjoint  operation. 

In  order  to  the  employment  of  language  of  any  sort,' 
there  must  be,  in  the  first  place,  sensation.  If  sounds  are 
to  be  intelligently  uttered,  they  must  first  be  heard.  The 
child  who  is  born  deaf,  and  continues  in  that  condition,  does 


'  This  chapter  first  appeared  as  an  article  entitled,  "  The  Language 
of  Childhood,"  in  the  American  Journal  of  Psychology,  Vol.  VI.  No.  I. 

2  Although  our  chief  attention  is  occupied  here  with  the  spoken 
word,  this  is  by  no  means  the  only  form  of  language.  In  its  broadest 
sense,  language  includes  every  means  by  which  thought  is  communi- 
cated ;  and  therefore  the  gestures  of  the  deaf-mute,  and  the  hieroglyphic 
characters  on  Kgyptian  monuments,  as  well  as  the  written  manuscript 
and  the  printed  page,  are  as  really  language  as  the  most  eloquent  oral 
paragraphs,  because  they  are  the  expression  of  some  one's  thought.  As 
Broca  says,  language  is  "  the  faculty  of  establishing  a  constant  rela- 
tion between  an  idea  and  a  sign,"  whatever  that  sign  may  be.  All 
that  can  be  said,  therefore,  concerning  the  psychological  importance 
of  the  spoken  word,  applies  equally,  mutatis  mutandis,  to  e.ery  other 
means  of  communication. 

114 


41  ■    • 


LANGUAGE. 


lift 


!e  of  the  language 
development,  but 
ifies  its  treatment 
atmert  would  not 
;uage  does  not  con- 
iss  of  phenomena, 
)se  already  treated, 
m  all,  •3iid  consti- 
peration. 

uage  of  any  sort,' 
on.  If  sounds  are 
st  be  heard.  The 
hat  condition,  does 

itled,  "  The  Language 
ftoiogrj/.  Vol.  VI.  No.  I. 
here  with  the  spoken 
[uage.  In  its  broadest 
1  thought  is  communi- 
e,  and  the  hieroglyphic 
he  written  manuscript 
the  most  eloquent  oral 
ime  one's  thought.  As 
shing  a  constant  rela- 
hat  sign  may  be.  All 
^chological  importance 
utandis,  to  e .  ery  other 


not  learr  no  speak.     In  the  second  place,  language  presup- 
poses jyerceptinn  and  judgment.     The  sounds  must  nut  only 
be  heard,  they  must  be  understood.     A  meaning  must  be 
attached  to  them.     Otherwise  they  will  never  be  given  back 
by  the  child  as  the  expression  of  his  thought;  ('.p.,  as  his 
language.     In  the  third  place,  it  is  essential  to  any  advaiu'f 
beyond  the  merest  lin^^  '.stic  riuUments,  that  abstraction  and 
generalization  take  place  ;  for  the  communication  of  thought, 
in  its  highest  forms,  cannot  take  place  until  there  has  been 
attained  the  comprehension  of  the  general  as  ilistinguished 
from  the  particular,  and  of  the  abstract  as  distinguished 
from  tho  concrete.'     Finally,  passing  from  the  cognitive  to 
the  volitional  aspect  of  mind,  it  is  obvious  that  language, 
in  its  most  essential  characteristic  —  i.e.,  as  exi)ressi()n — 
belongs  to  the  will.     Every  expression  of  thought,  whether 
it  be  word  or  mark  or  gesture,  is  the  result  of  an  act  of  will, 
and  as  such  may  be  classed  among  movements. 
—  It  is  not,  therefore,  as  constituting  a  new  order  of  facts, 
different  from  thoughts  and  feelings  and  volitions,  but  rather 
as  illustrating  the  development  of  these,  and  entering  as  a 
factor  in  that  development,  that  language  receives  this  sep- 
arate place.     We  judge  of  the  child's  mental  development 
largely  by  the  rapidity  of  his  progress  towards  a  skillful 


manipulation  of  the  instruments  of  expression: 


y 


I.   Heredity  vs.  Education  in  Language. 

There  is  no  psychological  problem  to  the  solution  of  which 
a  study  of  the  infant  mind  may  be  expected  to  contribute 
more  largely  than  this :     What  is  hereditary,  and  what  is 


1  On  the  other  hand,  thought  itself  cannot  attain  to  any  great  degree 
of  generality  without  the  aid  of  language.  Thought  and  language  are 
mutually  helpful,  and  conduce  ea.'jh  to  the  development  of  the  other. 


T' 


116 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 


acquired,  in  the  sphere  of  language  ?     Long  before  maturity 
is  attained,  such  an  al)undance  of  acquired  material  has  been 
added  to  our  original  store,  and  through  constant  repetition, 
the  two  have  become  so  transformed,  modified  ana  assimi- 
lated in  character,  that  we  are  no  longer  able  to  distinguish 
the  one  from  the  other.     But  from  the  beginning  it  was  not 
so      If  a  child  executes  a  gesture,  or  utters  a  sound,  at  an 
age  so  early  as  to  exclude  the  possibility  of  imi^tation  or 
spontaneous  invention  on  his  part,  we  may  conclude  that 
the  sound  or  the  gesture -or,  at  least  the  disposition  to 
express  himself  in  this  manner -has  been  born  with  him. 
Here  only,  then,  are  we  able  to  apply  the  logical  method  of 
difference  to  the  solution  of  the  problem. 

It  is  obvious  at  a  glance,  that  speech  is  a  product  of  the 
conjoint  operation  of  these  two  factors:  heredity^ndedu- 
cation     If,  on  the  one  hand,  we  observe  the  initial  babbling 
of  the  infant,  and  notice  its  marvelous  flexibility,  and  the 
enormous  variety  of  its  intonations  and  inflections  -  and 
this  at  an  age  so  early  as  to  preclude  observation  and  imita- 
tion of  others,  -  it  will  be  apparent  that  the  child  has  come 
into  the  world  already  possessing  a  considerable  portion  ot 
the  equipment  by  which  he  shall  in  after  years  give  expres- 
sion to  his  feelings  and  thoughts.     If,  on  the  other  hand, 
we  carefully  observe  him  during  the  first  two  years  of  his 
life  and  note  how  the  intonations,  and  afterwards  the  words, 
of  those  by  whom  he  is  surrounded,  are  given  back  by  him 
-at  first  unconsciously,  but  afterwards  with  intention - 
and  how,  when  conscious  imitation  has  once  set  in,  it  plays 
thenceforth  the  preponderating  rdZe,  -  we  shall  readily  be- 
lieve that,  without  this  second  factor,  but  little  progress 
would  be  made  towards  speech-acquirement. 

It  may  be  well  to  consider  briefly  how  these  two  factors 
enter  at  every  point  in  the  development  of  language^  For 
-^;.ample,  in  order  to  speak,  the  child  must  possess  first  of 


ILDHOOD. 

Long  before  maturity 
red  material  has  been 
h  constant  repetition, 
modified  and  assimi- 
er  able  to  distinguish 
!  beginning  it  was  not 
utters  a  sound,  at  an 
bility  of  imitation  or 
e  may  conclude  that 
ist  the  disposition  to 
s  been  born  with  him. 
the  logical  method  of 
em. 

ch  is  a  product  of  the 
ors  :  heredity  and  edu- 
ve  the  initial  babbling 
lus  flexibility,  and  the 
and  inflections  —  and 
observation  and  imita- 
hat  the  child  has  come 
jonsiderable  portion  of 
ifter  years  give  expres- 
If,  on  the  other  hand, 
first  two  years  of  his 
i  afterwards  the  words, 
are  given  back  by  him 
ards  with  intention  — 
as  once  set  in,  it  plays 
,  —  we  shall  readily  be- 
5or,  but  little  progress 
lirement. 

how  these  two  factors 
nent  of  language.  For 
id  must  possess  first  of 


LANGUAGE. 


117 


all  a  sensory  and  motor  physiological  apparatus.  This  phys- 
iological apparatus,  including  the  auditory  structure  for  the 
reception  of  sounds,  the  inter-central  and  centro-motor  cells 
and  nerve  tracts  for  the  accomplishment  of  connection  be- 
tween the  impression  and  the  expression,  and  the  organs  of 
vocal  utterance  (larynx,  palate,  tongue,  lips,  teeth),  is  his 
inheritance  from  the  past;  but  in  the  new-born  child  it  is 
all  imperfect,  both  in  structure  and  in  functioning;  and  its 
development  requires  the  constant  moulding  influence  of 
those  educating  agencies  by  which  the  liuman  being  is  sur- 
rounded from  the  moment  of  his  entrance  into  the  world. 

Again,  the  disposition  to  utter  sounds  of  all  sorts,  and  to 
express  states  of  feeling  by  them,  is  undoubtedly  inherited, 
since,  from  the  very  beginning  of  life,  and  quite  indepen- 
dently of  all  example,  the  child  constantly  exercises  his  vocal 
organs.'  But  in  spite  of  this,  so  inadeiiuate  is  heredity 
alone,  that  the  child  will  not  learn  the  language  of  his  par- 
ents, unless  he  be  in  the  society  of  those  who  employ  it. 
If  brought  up  among  savages,  he  will  speak  their  language ; 
if  among  wolves,  he  will  howl.'' 

In  making  this  statement,  we  do  not  overlook  those  re- 
markable cases  in  which  children  have  invented  a  language 
of  their  own,  quite  different  from  that  spoken  around  them  ; 
and  persisted  for  some  time  in  using  the  former  and  entirely 
ignoring  the  latter.  Mr.  Horatio  Hale  gives  an  account  of 
five  different  cases  in  which  this  has  occurred,  two  in  the 
United  Stiites  and  three  in  Canada.  In  one  case  this  in- 
vented vocabulary  consisted  of  twenty-one  root-forms,  out 


>  "Le  langage  eat  en  nous  une  facult6  si  naturelle,  que  dfes  la  prem- 
iftre  enfance,  I'exercer  est  un  besoin  et  un  plalsir."  —  ^grgffir. 

»  "  It  is  found  that  young  birds  never  have  the  song  peculiar  to  their 
species,  if  they  have  not  heard  it ;  whereas,  they  acquire  very  easily 
the  song  of  almost  any  other  bird  with  whicli  they  are  aasociated."  — 
Alfred  JRusaell  Wallace,  yatural  Selection. 


118 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 


of  which,  by  coinbinatir:.  and  modification,  the  children 
developed  a  complete  language,  by  which,  with  the  aid  of 
gesture,  all  their  wants  could  be  communicated;  and  in  all 
the  cases  the  invented  language  was  sufficient  for  all  inter- 
course as  between  the  children  themselves ;  and  was  per- 
sistently used  until  the  children  were  finally  broken  of  it. 
by  being  separated  or  sent  to  school.     In  all  these  cases, 
it  is  to  be  observed,  the  child  did  not  learn  the  language 
of  his  parents  i-  the  absence  of  those  who  employed  it.     It 
is  also  to  be  noted  that  the  new  language  v.as  invented,  not 
by  one  child,  but  by  tivo.     Language  is  possible  in  all  normal 
children ;  it  becomes  actual  only  in  the  presence  of  a  com- 
panion.    But  given  the  companion,  and  scarcely  any  limit 
can  be  set  to  the  possibilities  of  development.     Indeed,  Mr. 
Hale  has  given  us  a  theory  of  language,  in  which  the  origin 
of  linguistic  stocks  is  attributed  to  the  inventiveness  of 
children  who  have  become  separated  from  their  tribe  when 
very  young;  and  in  the  light  of  such  facts  as  those  given 
above,  the  theory  seems  highly  probable.     On  the  other 
hand    that  the  child  shall  speak  any  specific  tongue  now 
existing,  depends  on  his  education.     He  does  not  inherit 
any  particular  tongue  or  dialect.    Some  think  he  will  acquire 
his  mother-tongue  with  greater  facility  than  any  other,  yet 
even  this  may  be  doubted.     "  Speech  is  hereditary,  but  not 
any  particular  form  of  speech'""'.     There  may  be  an  in- 
herited tendency  to  find  certain  sounds  difficult,  such  as  sh 
to  the  ancient  Ephraimite,  or  th  to  the  modern  Frenchman, 
but  this  is  only  a  tendency,  and  does  not  prevent  the  child 
from  learning  any  language  perfectly,  if  his  education  begins 

early  enough.  . 

Again,  the  careful  study  of  the  language  of  signs  makes 
it  quite  clear  that  many  gestures  are  inherited  (e.g.,  holding 
out  the  hands  to  express  desire,  which  is  world-wide,  and 
is  executed  by  children  who  have  never  seen  it  done),  but 


%>,; 


«OOD. 

on,  the  ohildren 
,  with  the  aid  of 
c!ated;  and  in  all 
ent  for  all  inter- 
es ;  and  was  per- 
ally  broken  of  it. 
a  all  these  cases, 
larn  the  language 
employed  it.     It 
was  invented,  not 
sible  in  all  normal 
resence  of  a  corn- 
scarcely  any  limit 
lent.     Indeed,  Mr. 
a  which  the  origin 
:  inventiveness  of 
1  their  tribe  when 
its  as  those  given 
ie.     On  the  other 
»ecific  tongue  now 
;  does  not  inherit 
ink  he  will  acquire 
han  any  other,  yet 
iiereditary,  but  not 
ere  may  be  an  in- 
difficult,  such  as  sh 
nodern  Frenchman, 
t  prevent  the  child 
lis  education  begins 

Eige  of  signs  makes 

erited  (e.g.,  holding 

is  world-wide,  and 

seen  it  done),  but 


LANGUAGE. 


119 


the  development  of  gesture  into  anything  like  a  complicated 
system  of  expression,  is  quite  dependent  on  the  social  en- 
vironment. Of  course  this  is  only  another  way  of  saying 
that  language,  being  the  instrument  for  the  communication 
of  thought,  is  not  developed  in  the  absence  of  beings  to 
whom  thouglit  can  be  communicated. 

Thus,  then,  the  case  seems  to  stand  with  regard  to  the 
respective  spheres  of  heredity  and  education  in  the  produc- 
tion of  language.  As  regards  the  child's  present  endowment 
and  capabilities  at  the  moment  of  his  entrance  into  the 
world,  "he  is  the  product,  the  result  of  the  generations 
which  have  preceded  him  ;  he  is  the  visible  link  which  con- 
nects the  past  with  the  future  "  <*•*;  but  with  regard  to  that 
which  he  is  to  be,  and  the  legacy  which  he  in  his  turn  shall 
transmit  to  those  who  shall  succeed  him.  he  is  very  largely 
dependent  on  his  physical  and  social  environment ;  and  all 
those  who  compose  that  environment,  assist,  whether  they 
will  or  no,  in  his  education.' 


II.  Thk  Physiological  Development. 

If  the  question  were  asked,  "  Why  does  not  the  new-born 
child  talk  ? "  two  answers  might  be  given.  In  the  first 
place,  there  is  a  psychological  reason,  viz.,  he  has,  as  yet, 
no  ideas,  and  has,  therefore,  nothing  to  say'*'.  In  the  sec- 
ond place,  there  is  a  physiological  reason,  viz.,  his  speech- 
apparatus  is  as  yet  so  imperfectly  developed  that  he  could 
not  express  ideas  if  he  had  them. 

In  the  same  way,  if  the  question  were  asked.  Why  does 


'  "  La  mfere,  au  reste,  ou  la  nourrice,  ne  sont  ioi  que  des  instltutrices 
en  chef;  car  tous  ceux  qui  entourent  I'enfant  au  bprceau  qui  con- 
versent  en  sa  prCaence,  participeiit,  saua  s'en  douter,  JV  cette  Education 
foudameutale  "  <>». 


II 


! 


Mil 


120 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 


any  person  ever  lose  the  power  of  speech?  similar  answers 
might  be  given.  He  either  loses  his  ideas,  through  some 
mental  disorder,  or  he  loses  the  power  of  expression  through 
some  physiological  disorder.  The  two  cases  are,  moreover, 
parallel  in  another  sense,  inasmuch  as  the  acquirement  of 
ideas  in  the  one  case,  and  their  failure  in  the  other,  are 
closely  associated  with,  if  not  indeed  quite  dependent  upon, 
the  presence  or  absence  of  the  physiological  functions. 

The  physiological  reason,  then,  why  the  child  does  not 
vet  speak,   lies  in  the  undeveloped  state  of  the  speech- 
appai-atus.     "  The  lungs  are  not  yet  developed  in  a  degree 
and  manner  sufficient  for  articulate  speech.    The  expiration 
needs  to  be  strong,  and  exactly  regulated.     Now,  m  the 
infant,  the  pectoral  muscles  are  still  developed  m  a  very 
small  degree;  the  breathing  is  accomplished  much  more 
through  the  fall  of  the  diaphragm  than  through  the  active 
extension  of  the  pectoral  cavity.     Hence,  breathmg  move- 
ments are  more  superficial  and  more  irregular  than  in  later 
years.     Artificial  speech  requires  complete  control  ot   the 
breathing  mechanism,  which  the  child  has  not  yet  got.     To 
his  speech-instrument  is  still  wanting  a  large  number  ot 
strings,  whistles  and  registers.     The  organs  of  speech  are 
the  lungs,  air  tubes,  larynx  and  vocal  cords,  the  mouth, 
with  tongue,  palate,  lips  and  teeth.     The  lungs  create  the 
stream  of  air;  the  tone  zaA  voice  are  formed  by  the  larynx ; 
according  as  the  vocal  cords  open  wider  or  come  nearer, 
arises  the  deeper  or  higher  tone.     The  form  of  the  tone 
(le.,  vowel  a  or  o,  etc.,  consonant  b  or/,  etc.)  depends  on 
the  form  of  the  mouth  at  the  time.     Now  the  laiynx  is  st.U 
very  small  and  undeveloped  in  its  form,  and  so  with  the 
tongue,  the  lips,  and  the  muscles  moving  them;  and  as  tor 
the  teeth,  they  are  still  entirely  wanting '"«>.     The  unde- 
veloped  condition   of  the  auditory  apparatus,  and  ot  the 
brain,  have  also  to  be  considered  in  this  connection. 


^,-  .5*te« 


•1. 

1 


HOOD. 

■  similar  answers 
as,  through  some ' 
tpression  through 
jes  are,  moreover, 
le  acquirement  of 
in  the  other,  are 
B  dependent  upon, 
al  functions, 
he  child  does  not 
ie  of  the  speech- 
eloped  in  a  degree 
1.    The  expiration 
,ted.     Now,  in  the 
ireloped  in  a  very 
ished  much  more 
ihrough  the  active 
e,  breathing  move- 
gular  than  in  later 
ete  control  of  the 
IS  not  yet  got.     To 
I  large  number  of 
gans  of  speech  are 
cords,  the  mouth, 
le  lungs  create  the 
med  by  the  larynx ; 
3r  or  come  nearer, 
1  form  of  the  tone 
/,  etc.)  depends  on 
w  the  larynx  is  still 
n,  and  so  with  the 
g  them ;  and  as  for 
iig"t««>.     The  unde- 
paratus,  and  of  the 
connection. 


LANGUAGE. 


121 


On  the  other  hand,  it  needs  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
relation  between  the  organs  of  speech  and  speech  itself  is 
a  reciprocal  one.  If  speech  depends  on  the  organs,  it  is 
also  true  that  the  organs  depend  on  speech,  and  are  not 
developed,  except  by  exercise.  As  one  learns  to  play  on 
the  harp  by  playing  on  the  harp,  so  the  child  learns  to 
speak  by  speaking.  The  exercise  of  the  vocal  organs  de- 
velops those  organs,  so  that  they  become  capable  of  higher 
exercise. 

The  lungs  first  appear,  early  in  the  embryonic  stage,  as  a 
single  median  diverticulum  from  the  ventral  wall  of  the 
oesophagiis,  which  soon  becomes  dilated  towards  the  two 
sides  in  the  form  of  primitive  protrusions  or  tubercules, 
while  the  root,  communicating  with  the  oesophagus,  remains 
single.  The  fcetal  lungs  contain  no  air,  and  lie,  packed  in 
a  comparatively  small  compass,  at  the  back  of  the  thorax. 
They  undergo  very  rapid  and  remarkable  changes  after 
birth,  in  consequence  of  the  commencemeii*'.  of  respiration. 
They  expand  so  as  to  completely  cover  the  pleural  portions 
of  the  pericardium,  their  margins  become  more  obtuse, 
and  their  whole  form  less  compressed.  The  entrance  of  the 
air  changes  their  texture  so  that  it  becomes  more  loose, 
light  and  spongy,  and  less  granular ;  while  the  great  quan- 
tity of  blood,  which,  from  this  time  on,  circulates  through 
them,  greatly  increases  their  weight,  and  changes  their 
color.  The  proportion  of  their  weight  to  that  of  the  body 
becomes  nearly  twice  as  great  as  before,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  their  specific  gravity,  after  the  beginning  of  respira- 
tion, becomes  very  much  less. 

The  trachea,  or  windpipe,  which  connects  the  lungs  with 
the  larynx,  is  in  the  embryo  almost  closed,  its  anterior  and 
posterior  walk  being  very  near  each  other.  The  small 
space  remaining  is  filled  with  mucus.  With  the  exercise 
of  respiration,  the   mucus  is  expelled,  and  the  tube  itself 


I  li 

i ; 


\'h 


':f  n 


i'l 


122 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 


gradually  becomes  more  distended,  but  its  anterior  wall  does 
not  for  some  time  become  convex.  With  the  growth  of  the 
child,  the  cartilages  which  form  the  "ribs''  cf  the  tra- 
chea, become  stronger  and  better  able  to  bear  their  part 
in  the  forcible  expiration  of  air  which  is  required  for 
speech. 

The  larynx,  which  is  the  organ  most  directly  concerned 
in  the  production  of  "voice"  or  "tone,"  is  an  exceedingly 
complicated  mechanism,  consisting  of  a  framework  of  carti- 
lages comprising  no  less  than  nine  distinct  parts,  connected 
by  elastic  membranes  or  ligaments,  two  of  which,  from  their 
specially  prominent  position,  are  named  the  true  vocal  cords. 
In  speaking  and  singing,  these  cartilages  are  moved  relatively 
to  one  another  by  the  laryngeal  muscles.  The  larynx  is 
situated  at  the  upper  end  of  the  trachea,  the  mucus  lining 
of  the  two  organs  being  continuous.  At  the  time  of  birth, 
this  organ  is  very  small  and  narrow,  and  continues  com- 
paratively insigniiicant  up  to  the  period  of  adolescence, 
when  rapid  and  remarkable  changes  take  place,  especially 
in  the  case  of  the  male,  where  it  becomes  much  more  promi- 
nent, and  the  pomum  adami  protrudes  so  to  be  perceptible 
at  the  throat. 

The  tongue  is  composed  very  largely  of  muscular  fibres, 
running  in  various  directions,  such  as  the  superior  and 
inferior  lingual  muscles,  which  move  the  organ  up  and 
down,  and  the  transverse  fibres,  by  which  it  is  moved  from 
side  to  side.  Besides  these,  we  have  the  various  glossal 
muscles,  which,  though  extrinsic  to  the  tongue  itself,  yet 
are  implicated  in  its  operations.  These  muscles  are  all 
more  or  less  flabby  in  the  fcetus  and  the  new-born,  and 
become  strong  only  by  nutrition  and  exercise.  A  similar 
remark  applies  to  the  lips;  while  the  teeth,  without  which 
the  dental  and  labio-dental  consonants  can  never  be  properly 
pronounced,  are  at  the  beginning  of  life   entirely  absent. 


musm- 


Ti 


)OD. 

terior  wall  does 
e  growth  of  the 
)s''  cf  the  tra- 
bear  their  part 
is   required  for 

ectly  concerned 
an  exceedingly 
iiework  of  carti- 
parts,  connected 
hich,  from  their 
;rue  vocal  cords, 
aoved  relatively 

The  larynx  is 
le  mucus  lining 
e  time  of  birth, 

continues  com- 
of  adolescence, 
|)lace,  especially 
uch  morepromi- 
3  be  perceptible 

muscular  fibres, 
le  superior  and 

organ  up  and 
;  is  moved  from 

various  glossal 
)ngue  itself,  yet 
muscles  are  all 
I  new-born,  and 
cise.  A  similar 
I,  without  which 
ever  be  properly 
entirely  absent. 


LANGUAGE. 


128 


though  the  first  steps  toward  their  formation  take  place  as 
early  as  the  seventh  week  of  the  period  of  gestation'"'. 

The  brain  of  the  foetus  is  comparatively  deficient  in  con- 
volutions, and  presents  a  smooth,  even  appearance.  The 
first  of  the  primary  fissures  to  appear  is  the  fissure  of 
Sylvius,  which  is  visible  during  the  third  month.  The 
other  primitive  sulci  also  begin  to  appear  about  this  time, 
and  by  the  end  of  the  fifth  month  are  well  established. 
The  secondary  sulci  make  their  appearance  from  the  fifth 
or  sixth  month  on.  The  first  of  these  to  be  seen  is  the 
fissure  of  Rolando.  "  By  the  end  of  the  seventh  month, 
nearly  all  the  chief  features  of  the  cerebral  convolutions 
and  sulci  have  appeared.  The  last  fissures  to  appear  are 
the  inferior  occi  pi  to-temporal,  and  a  small  furrow  crossing 
the  end  of  the  calloso-marginal " '"'.  But  long  after  the 
extra-uterine  life  begins,  the  child-brain  is  still  deficient  in 
many  of  the  higher  processes,  the  association  fibres  being  the 
last  to  develop.  The  convolutions  are  for  a  long  time  com- 
paratively simple,  and  their  increasing  complexity  as  life  ad- 
vances stands  to  the  exercise  of  the  various  faculties,  partly 
in  the  relation  of  antecedent,  and  partly  in  that  of  consequent. 

Speech,  then,  in  the  little  child  is  a  potentiality,  though 
not  an  actuality.  He  is,  as  it  were,  in  possession  of  the 
machine,  but  the  belts  have  not  yet  been  adjusted  to  the  pul- 
leys, nor  has  he  yet  learned  to  handle  the  instrument.  The 
inability  to  speak  is  not,  therefore,  an  abnormal  state  at 
the  beginning  of  life,  any  more  than  the  inability  to  write, 
or  swim,  or  play  the  piano  <''*'.  It  is  merely  an  imperfect 
state.  But  the  inability  to  learn  to  speak  is  abnormal,  and 
its  cause  must  be  sought,  not  in  immaturity,  but  in  abnor- 
mality of  the  physiological  or  psychological  structures  and 
processes  involved.  The  one  is  an  unnatural  condition, 
into  which  the  child  has  fallen ;  the  other  a  natural  condi- 
tion, out  of  which  he  will  gradually  rise. 


124  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  CHILDHOOD. 

III.   The  Phonetic  and  Psychic  Development. 

We  shall  here,  first  of  all,  give  a  sort  of  outline  history 
of  the  speech-progress  of  the  average  child  during  the  first 
two  years,  generalizing  from  a  large  number  of  actual  obser- 
vations (made  by  different  persons  on  different  children) 
and  proceeding  by  periods  of  six  months  each;  then  we 
shall  give  summarized  statements  of  a  number  of  child- 
vocabularies  that  have  been  carefully  compiled  at  different 
ages;  and  "finally,  we  shall  examine  what  general  conclu- 
sions may  be  drawn  from  the  material  at  hand,  and  set 
down  as  empirical   laws,  awaiting  further  substantiation. 
I  say  "empirical  laws,"  because  children  differ  so  much 
from  each  other,  and  reliable  observations  are  so  compara- 
tively scanty,  that,  for  the  present,  general  statements  must 
be  held  in  abeyance,  or  made  only  tentatively. 

First  Six  Months.  —  "  In  Thuringia,"  says  Sigismund, 
"  they  call  the  first  three  months  '  das  dumme  Vierteljahr,' " 
and  during  the  second  three  months,  according  to  Schultze, 
no  advance  is  made  on  the  first.     It  might  seem,  then,  that 
in  this  first  half-year  there  is  nothing  worthy  of  our  attention 
in  the  matter  of  language.     This,  however,  is  very  far  from 
being  the  case,  for  in  this  period  a  most  important  appren- 
ticeship is  going  on.    The  little  child,  even  in  the  cradle, 
and  before  he  is  able  to  raise  himself  to  a  sitting  post- 
ure, is  receiving  impressions  every  waking  moment  from  the 
environment;  is  hearing  the  words,  seeing  the  gestures,  and 
noting  — in  a  manner  perhaps  not   purely  involuntary  — 
the  intonations  of  those  around  him ;  and  out  of  this  mate- 
rial he  afterwards  builds  uo  his  own  vocabulary.     Not 
only  so,  but  during  this  period,  that  peculiarly  charming 
infantile  babble  (which  Ploss  calls  "das  Lallen")  begins, 
which,  though  only  an  "awkward  twittering"  '"',  yet  con- 


3D. 

ELOPMENT. 

tutline  history 
aring  the  first 
)f  actual  obser- 
rent  children) 
sach;  then  we 
mber  of  child- 
ed  at  different 
general  conclu- 
hand,  and  set 
substantiation, 
differ  so  much 
ire  so  compara- 
tatements  must 

y- 

ays  Sigismund, 
e  Vierteljahr,' " 
mg  to  Schultze, 
jeem,  then,  that 
of  our  attention 
is  very  far  from 
portant  appren- 
n  in  the  cradle, 
»  a  sitting  post- 
noment  from  the 
;he  gestures,  and 
J  involuntary  — 
lut  of  this  mate- 
ocabulary.     Not 
iliarly  charming 
Lallen")  begins, 
ng "  <"',  yet  con- 


LANGUAGE. 


125 


tains  in  rudimentary  form  nearly  all  the  sounds  which 
afterwards,  by  combination,  yield  the  potent  instrument  of 
speech.  A  wonderful  variety  of  sounds,  some  of  which 
afterwards  give  the  child  difficulty  when  he  tries  to  produce 
them,  are  now  produced  automatically,  by  a  purely  impul- 
sive exercise  of  the  vocal  muscles ;  in  the  same  way  as  the 
child  at  this  age  performs  automatically  many  eye-move- 
ments, which  afterwards  become  difficult,  or  even  impossi- 
ble. M.  Taine  thinks  that  "  all  shades  of  emotion,  wonder, 
joy,  willfulness  and  satlness"  are  at  this  time  expressed 
by  differences  of  tone,  equaling  or  even  surpassing  tlie 
adult '»«'. 

The  child's  first  act  is  to  cry.*  This  cry  has  been  vari- 
ously interpreted.  Semmig  calls  it  "  the  triumphant  song 
of  everlasting  life,"  and  describes  it  as  "  heavenly  music  " 
(himmlische  Musik)  ;  Kant  said  it  was  a  cry  of  wrath,  and 
others  have  spoken  of  it  as  a  sorrowful  wail  on  entering 
.this  world  of  sin ;  or  as  the  foreboding  of  the  pains  and 
sorrows  of  life.  It  seems  more  scientific,  though  less 
poetic,  to  accept  the  explanation  of  the  "unembarrassed 
naturalist,"  who  sees  in  it  nothing  more  nor  less  than  the 
expression  of  the  painfulness  of  the  first  breathing  —  the 
rush  of  cold  air  upon  the  lungs  *"'. 

A  more  important  point  is  the  relation  of  this  first  vocal 
utterance  to  the  speech  that  is  to  follow.  The  cry  at  first 
is  merely  an  automatic  or  reflex  "  squall,"  without  expres- 
sive modulation  or  distinctive  timbre ;  the  same  cry  serves 
to  express  all  sorts  of  feelings.  But  very  soon  it  becomes 
differentiated  and  assumes  various  shadings  to  express 
various  mental  states.     This  differentiation  begins  at  differ- 


»  "  Sobald  das  Kind  zur  Welt  geboren  ist,  fftngt  es  an  gellend  zu 
schreien "  <**'.  "  The  child  is  bom  into  the  world !  He  enters  it 
struggling ;  a  scream  is  his  first  utterance  "  <"> 


S 


126 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 


ent  times  in  different  children.  A  girl  only  fifteen  days 
old  expressed  her  desire  to  be  fed  by  a  particular  sort  of 
cry  <•".  In  another  case,  the  cry  had  ceased  to  be  a  mere 
squall  by  the  end  of  the  first  month.  In  another,  the  feel- 
ings of  hunger,  cold,  pain,  joy  and  desire  were  expressed  by 
different  sounds  before  the  end  of  the  fifth  week  "*'.  Others 
report  the  transition  from  the  "cry"  to  the  "voice"  '"', 
involving  cooperation  of  the  moutli  and  tongue,  at  different 
times,  but  all  within  the  first  three  months. 

These  cries  are  variously  described.  According  to  one, 
"  the  cry  of  pain  is  generally  longer  continued  than  the  cry 
of  fear"  '**'.  Another  speaks  of  the  cry  of  fear  as  "short 
and  explosive,"  while  hunger  is  ex]>v»'ssed  by  a  long  drawn 
out  wail  <*".  Another  child  at  two  months  expressed 
pleasure  and  pain  by  different  forms  of  the  vowel  a.  Sigis- 
mund's  boy,  in  his  sixth  month,  expressed  pleasure  by  a  pe- 
culiar crowing  shout,  accompanied  by  kicking  and  prancing. 

The  next  step  is  taken  when  these  cries  and  babblings 
assume  an  articulate  character.  The  alphabetic  sounds 
begin  to  be  heard.  Of  these,  the  vowels  usually  precede 
the  consonants ;  and  o£  the  vowels,  a  with  its  various  shad- 
ings is  generally  the  first  to  appear.*     In  one  case  the  fol- 


>  It  is  necessary  at  this  point  to  adopt  a  system  of  diacritical  marks, 
as  in  all  that  follows  the  child's  pronunciation  is  of  great  importance. 
We  shall,  therefore,  adopt  the  following  sy.stem,  and  shall  take  the 
liberty  of  changing,  wherever  necessary,  the  spelling  of  the  recorded 
observations,  for  the  sake  of  uniformity  : 

e  or  ee  as  in  eat,  feet,  etc.  oo  as  in  food. 


a  as  in  calm. 

(I  as  in  fat. 

a  as  in  fate. 

A  as  in  cwl. 

S  (Germaa  a  umlaut) 

e  as  in  pet. 


i  as  in  pit, 

I  as  in  ice. 

0  as  in  pot. 

o  as  in  old. 

o  (German  o  umlaut). 


56  as  in  foot. 

u  as  in  up. 

u  as  in  use. 

U  (German  w  umlaut). 


Some  changes  will  also  be  made  in  the  use  of  consonants.    For 


It 

I! 


fifteen  days 
5ular  sort  of 
;o  be  a  mere 
her,  the  feel- 
expressed  by 
i"*'.    Others 

"  voice  "  '■•"', 
>,  at  different 

•ding  to  one, 
than  the  cry 
ear  as  "  short 
1  long  drawn 
hs  expressed 
ivel  a.  Sigis- 
isuve  by  a  pe- 
md  prancing, 
md  babblings 
ibetic  sounds 
ually  precede 
various  shad- 
case  the  fol- 


iacritical  marks, 
eat  importance. 
I  shall  take  the 
of  the  recorded 

in  food. 

in  foot. 

a  up. 

n  use. 

rman  u  umlaut), 

Dnsonants.    For 


LANGUAGE. 


1S7 


lowing  series  was  developed:  a-a-%i  "•'.  In  another,  the 
sound  of  a-a,  as  an  expression  of  joy,  was  heard  in  the 
tenth  neek  <"'.  According  to  Ldbische,  the  vowels  devel- 
oped in  this  order :  a-e-o-u-i.  One  child  began  with  a,  and 
then  proceeded  to  ai-orau-d,  while  the  pure  sound  of  6  was 
late  in  appearing.  In  another  case  all  the  vowels  were 
heard  in  the  first  five  months,  a  being  the  most  frequently 
employed ;  and  in  another,  the  primitive  a  (of  which  the 
child's  first  cries  largely  consisted)  became  differentiated 
into  the  various  vowel-sounds  during  the  first  month  <"'. 
Preyer  reports  the  use  of  the  vowel-sounds  in  the  following 
order:  ua-ao-ai-mio-d-o-a-o-u-e-d-i-u;  and  Sigismund  in  the 
following :  a-d-u-ei-o-i-o-ii-mi-au. 

Long  before  the  sixth  month,  the  primitive  vowels  are 
combined  with  one  another  (as  we  see)  and  with  consonants, 
to  produce  the  first  syllabic  utterances.  These  first  sylla- 
bles are,  for  the  most  part,  mechanical.  In  a  great  many 
of  the  cases  under  consideration,  tiie  first  consonants  to 
make  their  appearance  are  the  labials,  b^y-m,  and  these  are 
almost  always  initial  at  first,  and  not  final.  The  easy  con- 
sonant m,  combinea  in  this  way  with  the  easy  vowel  a, 
yields  the  familiar  combination  ma,  which,  by  spontaneous 
reduplication,  becomes  mama.  In  a  similar  manner,  papa, 
baba  (afterwards  baby)  and  the  like,  are  constructed.  The 
labials  are  not  always,  however,  the  first  consonantal  sounds 
uttered.  Sometimes  the  gutterals  {g  or  k)  precede  them ; 
and  the  two  consonants  which  are  usually  the  last  to  appear 
(viz.,  r  and  I)  are  used  by  some  children  quite  early.  In 
the  case  of  the  boy  A.,  the  first  sounds  were  gutteral,  gy. 


example,  such  words  as  corner,  ehorita,  coffee,  etc.,  will  be  spelled 
with  a  *;  words  like  cigar,  centre,  cellar,  etc.,  with  an  s;  and  in  such 
words  as  write  the  silent  w  will  be  omitted.  Other  changeB  will  be 
indicated  aa  they  are  made.  '' ■  r^' jgef' '^Z  f 


'K 


$ 


II 


ilii 


128 


THE    PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


though  the  earliest  combination  was  mam-mam,  used  in  cry- 
ing. At  five  months  "  he  dropped  the  throat-sounds  almost 
entirely,  and  began  the  shrill  enunciation  of  vowels ; "  and 
at  six  months  he  lowered  his  voice  and  began  to  use  lip- 
sounds,  simultaneously  with  the  cutting  of  his  first  teeth. 
In  another  case,  m  appeared  as  the  first  consonant  in  the 
second  month  and  was  followed  by  b-d-n-r,  occasionally  g  and 
h,  and  very  rarely  k ;  the  first  syllables  were  pa-ma-ta-na  '''*'. 
L6bische  observed  the  consonants  in  this  order :  m-{w)-b-p-(l-t- 
Irn-s-r;  Sigismund  in  this  :  b-m-n-d-s-g-w-f-ch-k-l-r-sch  ;  and  Dr. 
Brown  in  this  :  b-p-f-r-mg-k-h-t-d-l-n  "".  In  some  cases  nearly 
all  syllables  have  been  correctly  pronounced  during  the  first 
half-year ;  while  in  others  progress  is  much  slower,  very  few 
syllables  being  certainly  mastered  before  the  ninth  month. 

We  may  sometimes  observe  here  also  the  beginnings  of 
vocal  imitation.  The  boy  A.  was  observed  to  "watch 
attentively  the  lii>raovements  of  his  attendants ; "  and  other 
observers  hr've  remarked,  from  about  the  fourth  month,  "a 
curious  mimicry  of  conversation,  imitating  especially  the 
cadences,  so  that  persons  in  the  adjoining  room  would  think 
conversation  was  going  on"  '">.  The  sane  thing  was  ob- 
served in  A.  a  little  later. 


Second  Six  Months.  —  Most  children  make  a  very 
marked  advance  during  this  period  in  the  imitation  of 
sounds,  in  the  intentional  use  of  sounds  with  a  meaning, 
and  in  the  comprehension  of  the  meanings  of  words  and 
gestures.  The  actual  vocabulary  of  most  children  at  this 
age  is,  however,  exceedingly  small.  Many  children,  a  year 
old,  cannot  speak  a  single  word,  while  the  average  vocabu- 
lary does  not  probably  exceed  half  a  dozen  words. 

A  new  advance  accompanies  the  rise  of  active  hearing, 
and  the  increasing  power  of  attention  in  the  third  three 
mouths.     The  child  begins  to  keep  a  sort  of  time  to  music, 


D. 

I,  used  in  cry- 
ounds  almost 
'owels ; "  and 
in  to  use  lip- 
is  first  teeth, 
lonant  in  the 
j-ionally  g  and 
i-ma-ta-na  ''*K 
m-{w)-h-p-rl-t- 
•sch ;  and  Dr. 
e  cases  nearly 
iring  the  first 
iwer,  very  few 
linth  month, 
beginnings  of 
i  to  "watch 
s  ; "  and  other 
•th  month,  '*  a 
jspecially  the 
1  would  think 
bhing  was  ob- 


fnake  a  very 
imitation  of 
;h  a  meaning, 
of  words  and 
ildren  at  this 
lildren,  a  year 
rerage  vocabu- 
»rds. 

ctive  hearing, 
le  third  three 
;ime  to  music, 


LANGUAGE. 


129 


in  which  he  shows  pleasure,  and  this  strong  excitement 
stimulates  the  production  ot  new  sounds.  He  delights  in 
being  carried  about  with  a  galloping  rhythmic  motion,  and 
will  smack  iiis  lips  and  make  other  sounds  in  imitation  of 
chirping  to  a  horse  '*".  He  pats  his  hands  together  in 
imitation  of  the  accompanying  motions  in  a  nursery  rhyme, 
and  sometimes  makes  an  attempt  to  say  the  words  also. 
He  shows  a  fondness  for  ringing  the  changes  on  certain 
syllables  which  he  has  learned,  varying  and  reduplicating : 
e.g.,  mama,  baba,  gaga,  nana,  etc.,  and  other  less  intelligible 
combinations. 

He  understands  many  words  which  he  cannot  pronounce, 
and  he  pronounces  some  in  a  mechanical  way  without  un- 
derstanding. He  knows  each  member  of  the  household  by 
name,  and  will  reach  a  biscuit  to  the  person  named  to  him. 
H«  knows  the  principal  parts  of  his  own  body,  and  will 
l)oint  to  them  when  asked  '*•>.  The  words  papa  and 
mama,  whose  surprising  universality  may  be  partly  ac- 
counted for  by  the  physiological  law  of  ease  (the  sound 
most  easily  produced  and,  therefore,  earliest  used,  being 
naturally  associated  with  those  persons  whose  presence 
arouses  the  earliest  and  most  vivid  emotions  and  ideas),  are 
by  many  children  at  this  time  intelligently  used,  though 
some  are  later  in  this. 

Imitation  usually  makes  rapid  strides  in  this  period. 
In  one  case  gestures  were  imitated  at  eight  months,  and 
words  at  nine.  If  some  one  is  being  called,  the  child  also 
calls  loudly.  In  another  case,  towards  the  end  of  the  child's 
first  year,  he  began  to  imitate  the  sounds  made  by  animals 
and  inanimate  objects  <"'.  Sigismund  observed  the  instinct 
of  imitation  showing  itself  in  the  third  quarter  of  the  first 
year ;  the  reduplication  of  syllables  composed  of  a  labial  or 
dental  consonant  and  the  vowel  a ;  and  the  more  frequent 
occurrence  of    syllables  in  which   the  vowel    is    initial. 


i::l 


ill 


KVMT" 


130 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


Champneys'  child  distinctly  imitated  the  intonation  of  the 
voice  when  any  word  or  sentence  was  repeated  to  him 
several  times.  This  has  been  observed  als(j  in  other 
cases  '*". 

Children  who  are  able  to  use  a  few  words  at  this  age, 
show  by  their  use  of   them  how  inadequately  defined  is 
their  meaning.     A  little  girl,  who  had  learned  to  say  d  gd 
(all  gone)  and  gd  ga  (gegangen),  applied  the  latter  term  to 
herself  when  falling  down  <*".      Humphreys  says  the  child 
he  observed  was  able,  at  this  time,  to  name  many  things 
correctly,  and  to  pronounce  all  initial  consonants  distinctly, 
except  th,  t,  d,  v,  and  I.     Some  final  consonants  were  indis- 
tinct.    Another  child,  at  eleven  months,  knew  what  guten 
tag  meant,  and  responded  with  tata ;  he  also  answered  adieu 
with  adaa.     In  this  case,  the  first  association  of  a  sound 
with  a  concept  was  ee,  which  meant  wet  <">.     A  boy  of  ten 
months  used  intelligently  the  Avords  mama,  Aggie  (Maggie, 
this  afterwards  became  Waggie)   and  addie  (auntie).     At 
eleven  months,  Waggie  was  shortened  to  Wag,  and  addie  to 
att  '*^>.      Another  at  seven  months  used  to  wave  his  hand 
and  say  tata  at  parting ;  and  one  day  he  did  this  when  a 
closet  door  was  opened  and  shut  again  "^'.     Taine's  little 
girl  at  twelve  mont.hs,  on  learning  the  word  MM,  as  con- 
nected with   the   picture  of  the  infant  Jesus,  afterwards 
extended  it,  curiously  enough,  not  to  all  babies,  but  to  all 
pictures.     Occasionally  a  word  is  invented,  such  as  the  word 
mum,  reported  by  Mr.  Darwin,  which  the  child  used  with 
an  interrogatory  sound  when  asking  for  food,  but  also  "  as  a 
substantive  of  wide  signification."     I  observed  a  similar 
general  use  of  da,  in  the  case  of  F.     In  another  case,  the 
word  60  was  used  to  signify  anything  that  pleased  the  child. 
The  words  mama,  papa  and  babe,  which  had  been  used  for 
some  time  mechanically,  were  dropped  about  the  middle  of 
this  period,  to  be  resumed  five  months  later,  "  when  they 


)0D. 

itonatioii  of  the 

ipeateil   to   him 

als(j   in   other 

■ds  at  this  age, 
itely  defined  is 
•ned  to  say  d  gA 
e  latter  term  to 
rs  says  the  child 
ne  many  things 
uants  distinctly, 
ants  were  indis- 
new  what  guten 

answered  adieu 
,tion  of  a  sound 
.  A  boy  of  ten 
,  Aggie  {Maggie, 
ie  (mintie).  At 
^ag,  and  addie  to 
,o  wave  his  hand 
did  this  when  a 
'.  Taine's  little 
)rd  b4M,  as  con- 
esus,  afterwards 
)abies,  but  to  all 
such  as  the  word 

child  used  with 
d,  but  also  "  as  a 
served  a  similar 
another  case,  the 
pleased  the  child, 
lad  been  used  for 
jut  the  middle  of 
iter,  "when  they 


1] 


liANGTTAGE. 


181 


were  applied  to  their  proper  objects  "  <">.  Sully  observed 
in  the  beginning  of  this  period  (which  he  calls  the  la  la 
period)  the  rise  of  spontaneous  articulation.  Combinations 
of  syllables  were  suddenly  hit  upon,  and  repeated  without 
any  meaning,  except  as  indications  of  baby  feeling.  Long 
a  indicated  surprise,  and  "  a  kind  of  o,  formed  by  sucking 
in  the  breath,  indicated  pleasure  at  some  new  object."  In 
one  case,  a  little  sentence  —  which  realty  consisted  of  two 
words  —  was  uttered  by  a  child  at  the  close  of  this  period. 

He  said  :  "  Papa mama,"  which  meant :  "  Papa,  take 

me  to  mama  "  '"*'. 

The  wide  differences  among  children  make  it  unsafe  to 
venture  any  generalizations,  except  one,  viz.,  this  second 
half-year  seems  to  be  par  excelletice  the  period  of  the  rise 
of  imitation.  Some  children,  however,  are  as  far  advanced 
at  the  beginning  of  this  period  as  others  are  at  its  end. 
Perhaps  it  ought  also  to  be  remarked  that  the  child  who 
shows  a  great  precocity  in  imitation,  or  in  learning  to 
speak,  will  not  necessarily,  on  that  account,  turn  out  a 
more  intelligent  child.  Imitation  does  not  require  a  very 
high  degree  of  mental  acuteness,  and  the  child  who  has 
been  slow  in  this  may  iu  the  end  surpass  his  more  preco- 
cious companion. 

Third  Six  Months.  —  While  the  child  is  learning  to 
walk,  there  is  very  often  a  standstill,  or  even  a  retrograde 
movement  in  the  matter  of  speech.  After  walking  is  mas- 
tered, the  acquisition  of  language  goes  forward  again  with 
greater  facility  than  ever. 

During  this  third  period,  marked  progress  is  usually 
made  in  the  understanding  of  words,  and  in  their  intelli- 
gent application,  though  the  vocabulary  is  still  very  limited, 
and  the  pronunciation  imperfect.  Difficult  sounds  are 
omitted,  or  replaced  by  easier  ones.     Sometimes  the  change 


m 


IBJ  !/■« 


132 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD, 


in  one  consonant  has  an  influence  on  another  which  pre- 
cedes or  follows  it.  In  longer  words  and  combinations, 
only  the  prominent  part  — the  accented  syllable,  or  the 
final  sound  — is  reproduced.  A  final  ie  is  often  added  to 
words.  The  child  says  dinnie  for  dinner,  ninnie  for  drinJc, 
and  beddy  for  bread.  Other  imperfect  pronunciations  are : 
apy  tee  {apple  tree),  piccy  book  {picture  book),  gamy  or 
nannie  (grandma),  pee  {please),  pepe  {pencil),  mo-a  {more), 
hoov  hd  {horse),  Balbert  {Gilbert),  Tot  {Topf),  Ka-ka  {Car- 
rie), and  Kakie  {Katy). 

Most  children  at  this  age  understand  a  great  deal  of 
what  is  said  to  them.  Such  phrases  as  "bring  the  ball;" 
«  come  on  papa's  knee ; "  "  go  down ; "  "  come  here ; "  "  give 
me  a  kiss,"  are  perfectly  understood  and  obeyed.  Parts  of 
th*;  'hild's  body,  as  eyes,  nose,  ear,  other  ear,  hand,  etc.,  other  • 
person's  eyes,  ears,  etc.,  are  pointed  to  when  named.  Arti- 
cles are  fetched,  carried  and  put  where  one  commands. 

Some  children  begin,  towards  the  end  of  this  period,  to 
express  themselves  in  short  sentences,  which  are  usually 
elliptical,  or,  as  Romanes  says,  "  senterce-words,"  only  the 
most  prominent  word  or  words  in  the  sentence  being  pro- 
nounced.   E.g.,  ta  {thank  yon) ,  nee  {take  me  on  your  knee)     ; 
det  off;  det  up ;  where  cows  George  f  {where  are  Uncle  George's 
cows  f)  '">;  mo-o,,  mama  {give  me  more,  mama) ;  dao  {take 
me  down  from  my  chair) '«".     Many  combinations  of  words 
are  made,  which   fall  short  of  the   dignity  of  sentences. 
E.g.,  mama  dess,  ding-a-ling,  etc.     A  boy  of  eighteen  months 
-  "knows  the  last  words  of  many  of  Mother  Goose  melodies, 
as  moon  O;  place  0;  bare,  bare,  bare;  putting  them  in  at 
the  right  time,  enthusiastically  "  '"• 

Some  words  are  invented  by  the  child.  E.g.,  the  word 
tern,  which  Taine's  little  girl  spontaneously  used  as  a  sort 
of  general  demonstrative,  "  a  sympathetic  articulation,  that 
she  herself  has  foupd  in  harmony  with  all  fixed  and  distinct 


)0D. 

;her  which  pre- 
L  combinations, 
jyllable,  or  the 
often  added  to 
%innie  for  drink, 
iiunciations  are : 
book),  gamy  or 
ll),ino-a  (more), 
pf),Ka-ka  {Car- 

a  great  deal  of 
bring  the  ball ; " 
ue  here ; "  "  give 
beyed.     Parts  of 
,  hand,  etc.,  other 
ni  named.     Arti- 
commands. 
if  this  period,  to 
hich  are  usually 
words,"  only  the 
itence  being  pro- 
\  on  your  kneeY^'* ; 
are  Uncle  George's 
lama) ;  dao  (take 
inations  of  words 
lity  of  sentences. 
:  eighteen  months 
r  Goose  melodies, 
itting  them  in  at 

..     E.g.,  the  word 

sly  used  as  a  sort 

\  articulation,  that 

fixed  and  distinct 


"^r 


language;. 


133 


intention,  and  which  consequently  is  associated  with  her 
principal  fixed  and  distinct  intentions,  which  at  present  are 
desires  to  take,  to  have,  to  make  others  take,  to  look,  to 
make  others  look."  The  same  child  invented  the  word  ham 
to  signify  "  something  to  eat,"  just  as  Darwin's  boy  used 
mum  for  the  same  purpose. 

The  love  of  reduplication  shows  itself  very  distinctly  now, 
as  indeed  it  has  almost  from  the  beginning ;  no  doubt  lor 
the  physiological  reason  that  it  is  easier  for  the  vocal  organs 
to  execute  a  movement  over  again,  to  which  they  are  ad- 
justed, and  which  they  have  performed  once,  than  to  adjust 
themselves  to  a  new  movement.  Very  probably  the  love  of 
repetition  and  "jingle"  which  -^  so  noticeable  in  children 
(and  which,  as  Sigismund  say  ■;  lies  at  the  foundation  of 
rhyme),  also  enters  as  a  factor  here.  Numerous  examples 
of  the  onomatopoetic  naming  of  animals  and  things  may 
a  o  be  observed  at  this  time,  though  many  of  these  are,  no 
•  t  imitated  from  grown-up  people.  One  or  both  of 
.  ^^.:■'  ;endencies  may  be  observed  in  such  expressions  as 
cue  following:  dada,  mama,  papa,  tvawa  {water),  wah  wah 
or  oua  oua  or  bow  wow  (dog),  es  es  (yes),  ni  nl  (nice),  ko  ko 
(chicken),  puff  (ivind),  quack  quack  (duck) ,  golloh  or  hdulu 
(all  rolling  objects),  bopoo  (bottle),  too  too  (cars),  tuppa  tuppa 
tee  (potato),  etc.  The  child  imitates  (often  spontaneously) 
the  sounds  made  by  the  dog,  cat,  sheep,  ticking  of  clock, 
etc.,  while  many  sounds  are  reduplicated.  The  opposite 
process,  a  spontaneous  curtailing  of  certain  words,  may  be 
sometimes  noti"jd.  In  one  case  a  boy  of  fifteen  months 
contracted  papa,  mama  and  addie  into  pa,  ma  and  att  respec- 
tively, having  never  heard  any  of  these  latter  words  '^*. 

Imitation  is  now  very  strong.  The  child  attempts  to  re- 
peat everything  he  hears;  but  some  sounds  give  him  diffi- 
culty, and  the  shifts  to  which  he  resorts  in  such  cases  are  of 
very  great  interest.    The  boy  R,  used  to  say  nana  for  thank 


nsfe- 


134  THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 

you,  and  dU  taut  for  get  caught  (in  play)  ;  but  the  r^;^«« 
incuse  me  was  too  much  for  him;  he  therefore  used  oho^n 
its  place,  with  a  rising  inflection  on  the  ««««»^';y^^f  ^. 
Singing  is  often  imitated  better  than  speech  A  boy  ot 
fourteen  months  "gave  back  a  little  song  in  the  nght 
key"  <««';  and  another,  in  the  sixteenth  month,  knew  some 

simple  little  hymns  <•«».  n  .t  fi.i,  time 

But  perhaps  the  most  interesting  thing  of  all  at  this  time 
is  the  gradual  "clearing"  of  the  childish  concepts,  as  indi- 
cated by  the  steady  circumscription  of  the  apphcation  of 
::!.  'Even  yet,  however,  names  are  appl-d  m-^^^ 
wi.iely  ;  much  more  experience  is  necessary  before  they  ac 
nuire,  in  the  young  mind,  a  clear  and  definite  connoUtion. 
?Even  in  mature  life,  must  of  our  concepts  are  Btill  very 
iazy  and  ill-defined  ;  and  it  might  be  allowable  to  describe 
the  whole  process  of  intellectual  education  as  a  process  of 
clarification  of  the  concept.)     It  is  interesting  also,  to  note 
how  the  principle  of  association  enters  as  a  factor  in  the 
determination  of  the  application  of  the  «.     ^hen  ^ 
chUd  calls  the  moon  a  lamp,  or  apphes  his  woid  bd  (ball)  to 
oranges,  bubbles,  and  ocher  round  objects  ;  calls  everything 
tow  low  which  bears  any  sort  of  resemblance  to  a  dog  (u. 
eluding  the  bronze  dogs  on  the  staircase,  and  the  goat  in  the 
yard)  ;  applies  his  words  papa  B,nd  mama  to  all  men  and  all 
Cmen  respectively ;  makes  his  word  cMie  do  duty,  not  on^ 
for  knife  but  also  for  scissors,  shears,  sickle,  etc.       ,  says 
U  (So  on  seeing  a  crust  dipped  in  tea  - ;  apphes  a. 
iassis)  to  chair,  footstool,  bench,  sitting  dovm,  s,t  down,  etc.      , 
peudu  (perdu)  or  a««  (gone  or  lost)  to  all  sorts  of  dis- 
Ce-vances-.-it  is  evident  that  one  great  striking  resem- 
Ee  has  overshadowed    all  differences  in  the  objects. 
Ano  her  child,  who  had  learned  the  word  6t  as  a  name  for 
objects  that  were  too  warm,  extended  it  to  -lude    a^o, 
objects  that  were  too  cold  (association  by  contrast).     Latei. 


ill.. 


OD. 


LANGUAGE. 


186 


}ut  the  rhrase 
)re  used  oho  in 
acona  syllable. 
ah.  A  boy  of 
r,  in  the  right 
ith,  knew  some 

all  at  this  time 
mcepts,  as  indi- 
!  application  of 
plied  much  too 
before  they  ac- 
ite  connotation. 
:9  are  still  very 
rable  to  describe 
I  as  a  process  of 
ing,  also,  to  note 

a  factor  in  the 
name.     When  a 
word  bd  (ball)  to 
calls  everything 
nee  to  a  dog  (in- 
d  the  goat  in  the 
;o  all  men  and  all 
do  duty,  not  only 
We,  etc.  '"' ;  says 
la  '**' ;  applies  ati 
,  sit  down,  etc.  '*" ; 

all  sorts  of  dis- 
it  striking  resem- 
i  in  the  objects. 

ot  as  a  name  for 
;  to  include,  also, 
contrast).     Later, 


on  looking  at  a  picture,  he  pointed  to  the  representation  of 
clouds  and  said  ot.  The  clouds  reminded  him,  no  doubt,  of 
the  steam  from  the  tea-kettle  "*'.  This  ajttitude  for  seiz- 
ing analogies,  whicli  Taine  believes  to  be  the  source  of  gen- 
eral ideas  and  of  language,  has  numerous  illustrations,  not 
only  in  the  language  of  the  child  just  learning  to  speak,  but 
also  in  the  use  of  words  by  uncivilized  or  semi-civilized 
peoples.' 

Fourth  Six  Months.  — During  the  latter  half  of  the 
second  year  linguistic  progress  is  usually  so  rapid  as  to  render 
a  detailed  account  impossible.  We  can  only  call  attention, 
with  examples,  to  some  of  the  most  striking  features. 

"By  the  end  of  the  second  year,"  says  Schultze,  "the 
normal  child  can  make  himself  understood  in  a  short  sen- 
tence." His  own  child  was  able,  at  nineteen  months,  to  use 
sentences  containing  subject,  predicate  and  object.  In  an- 
other case,  quite  a  complicated  sentence  (but  very  elliptical, 
only  the  nouns  being  uttered),  was  heard  in  the  twentieth 
month.  In  the  case  of  A.,  a  genuine  sorrow  was  the  occa- 
sion of  his  first  sentence.  His  father,  of  whom  he  was  very 
fond,  had  been  playing  with  him  for  some  time,  and  finally, 
being  called  away,  put  him  down  and  went  out,  closing  the 
door  behind  him.  The  child  gazed  for  a  moment  at  the 
closed  door,  and  then,  throwing  himself  on  the  floor,  cried 
out,  /  want  my  papa.  Before  this  he  used  to  express  himself 
chiefly  in  elliptical  sentences  and  sentence-words.  When 
slightly  over  two  years  of  age,  he  used  to  weave  little  stories 
of  his  own  ;  e.g.,  mama  fd  tvite  downy  toppy  houf.  One  day, 
while  the  dinner  was  waiting  for  his  father,  who  was  ex- 
pected home  on  the  train,  the  child  said :  Toot-toot  corny 
wite  up  tair,  inny  doh,  uppy  tapool;  toot-toot  make  big  noise. 


i  See  Romaaes'  "  Mental  Evolution  in  Man,"  Chap.  VIII. 


186 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


Another  of  his  sentences  was :  Take  a  badie  bidy  to;  badie 
tiehd,feepy.     The  boy  C.  uttered  his  first  sentence  in  the 
twenty-first  month:   Pees  mama.     Two  months  earlier  he 
had  used  sentence-words ;  e.g.,  papa  cacker  {papa  has  fire- 
crackers).    In  the  twenty-fourth  month  he  told  quite  an  ex- 
tensive story,  in  which  the  verbs  were  not  expressed.    Even 
compound  sentences,  and  sentences  containing  subordinate 
clauses,  are  often  mastered  before  the  close  of  this  period. 
Sometimes  verbal  inflections  appear ;  e.g.,  naughty  baby  kllde 
(cried)  •*".     Another  day  the  same  child  said  comed  for  came, 
thus  unconsciously  rebuking  the  inconsistent  English  lan- 
guage.    Interrogative  sentences  appeared  in  another  case; 
e.g.,  Where's  pussy  1  and  negation  was  expressed  by  an  af- 
firmative  seuieuuc,  \Vn,n  aa  empniiuiv/  lU  i,a^..v,v.  >,..  —  — 
end,  exactly  as  the  deaf-mutes  do.     Many  of  these  primitive 
sentences  are  in  the  imperative  mood,  and  many  are  still 
"sentence-words."      Most  children  talk  a  great  deal,  and 
gesticulate  profusely,  at  this  time.     Their  expressions  are 
concrete,  and  abstract  words  are  avoided  as  far  as  possible. 
A  little  boy,  on  seeing  the  picture  of  a  half-grown  lad,  spoke 
of  it  as  a  little  baby  man  <^>.     Anything  that  has  rhyme  or 
rhythm  is  most  easily  picked  up.     A  little  nephew  of  my 
own  was  able,  at  this  age,  to  sing  a  large  number  of  little 
songs  and  hymns,  giving  the  melody  quite  correctly.     An- 
other boy,  at  twenty-one  months,  on  hearing  the  milkman's 
bell  in  the  morning,  used  to  say :  Mik  man  mik  cow,  crunij) 
horn,  toss  dog,  kiss  maid  allftorn;  or  peeping  through  the 
fence  at  the  cows,  would  sing :  Moo  cow,  moo  cow,  how-de-  * 

do  cow.  <** 

The  child's  progress  is  marked  here  by  his  gradual  mas- 
tery of  the  personal  and  possessive  pronouns.  These  are 
peculiarly  difficult  for  the  average  child,  and,  according  to 
Egger,  are  not  usually  attained  until  near  the  close  of  the 
second  year;  according  to  others,  much  later  still  (thirtieth 


)D. 

bidy  to;  badie 
ntence  in  the 
ths  earlier  he 
papa  has  fire- 
d  quite  an  ex- 
)resspd.  Even 
ig  subordinate 
of  this  period. 
ghty  baby  klide 
omed  for  came, 
t  English  lan- 
another  case; 
ssed  by  an  af- 
iirgfj  Qji  nt.  the 

these  primitive 
many  are  still 
;reat  deal,  and 
ixpressions  are 
far  as  possible, 
fown  lad,  spoke 
t  has  rhyme  or 
nephew  of  ray 
umber  of  little 
correctly.  An- 
;  the  milkman's 
mik  cow,  crurnj) 
ig  through  the 
00  cow,  how-de-* 

lis  gradual  mas- 
ins.  These  are 
id,  according  to 
bhe  close  of  the 
r  still  (thirtieth 


Ifi 


LANGUAGE. 


187 


month,  according  to  Lindner).  Previous  to  mastering  the 
/,  the  child  calls  himself  by  his  proper  name,  or  by  the 
name  baby,  as  he  may  have  been  taught.  When  /  first  ap- 
pears, it  is  frequently  employed, — quite  consistently  from 
the  child's  point  of  view,  — not  in  the  first  person,  but  in 
the  second;  i.e.,  he  calls  others  /  ani  himself  you.  One 
child  used  the  word  /  correctly  as  early  as  the  nineteenth 
month,  but  often  exchanged  it  for  her  proper  name  '«*>. 
Another,  in  the  twentieth  month,  still  called  himself  by 
his  proper  name,  but,  a  month  later,  said  me  for  the  first 
time  '**'.  Another  spoke  of  me  as  a  personality  in  her  twenty- 
second  month  <"»'.  Another,  at  two  years,  often  used  the 
word  my,  meaning  your;  e.g..  Let  me  get  up  on  my  lap  '^'. 
Another,  at  the  same  age,  still  speaks  of  himself  as  baby  in 
ordinary  converse,  but  in  great  desire  says,  /  want  it,  and  in 
great  fear  says,  I  afraid. 

In  some  cases,  almost  all  the  sounds  are  mastered  by  the 
end  of  the  second  year,  but  from  the  observations  at  hand, 
this  may  be  considered  the  exception.  Most  children  still 
have  difficulty  with  certain  sounds.  Some  of  these  diffi- 
culties are  seen  in  the  following:  apoo  {apple),  zhatis  (there 
it  is),  es  {yes),  yleg  {egg;  note  difficulty  with  initial  vowel), 
oken  {open),  tash  {mustache),  sh'ad  {thread),  dam  {gum), 
fdl  {shawl),  uppervator  {elevator),  nobella  {umbrella),  banni- 
cars  {banisters),  aw  yi  {all  right),  setto  {cellar) ,  pato  {potato), 
it, da  {sit  there).  One  observer  reports  a  special  difficulty 
with  8,  2,  d,  g,  k,  I,  n,  g,  r  and  t  <">.  Another  says  that  at 
■•nineteen  months,  the  sounds  s,  sh,  ch  and  j  were  generally 
indistinct ;  while  w,  v  and  /  were  formed,  but  not  well  de- 
veloped. On  the  other  hand  nasal  g  appeared,  o  was  mas- 
tered, l,p  and  t  sis  final  consonants  began  to  be  used,  and  k 
became  a  favorite  sound,  used  in  many  words.  Sibilants 
were  more  at  command  when  final  than  when  initial,  while 
short  d  was  just  beginning  to  be  formed.     In  the  twenty- 


11 


1:1 


'1 


138 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 


second  month  the  sourds  of  ch,  j  and  th  were  still  imprrfect, 
the  hard  sound  of  th  being  replaced  by  s  and  the  soft  sound 
by  z.  A.  mouth  later,  r  was  still  generally  repUced  by  I ; 
when  s  came  before  another  consonant,  one  or  the  other 
was  dropped,  and  k  was  sometimes  confused  with  p  or  t  '*'. 
In  another  case,  the  double  consonant  sp  made  its  first  ap- 
pearance at  the  end  of  the  second  year  <**'. 

There  are  still  many  examples  of  the  inadequate  limi- 
tation of  the  concept.  In  one  case  the  word  2}oor,  which 
was  learned  as  an  expression  of  pity,  was  applied  on  occa- 
sion of  any  sort  of  loss  or  damage  whatsoever,  and  was  even 
used  in  speaking  of  a  crooked  pin.  Dam  {gum),  with  which 
toys  were  mended,  became  a  universal  remedy  for  all  things 
broken  or  disabled  ;  and  afterwards,  when  the  child  ac- 
quired the  word  nh'ad  (thread),  broken  things  were  divided 
into  two  classes,  viz.,  those  that  were  to  be  mended  with 
(lam,  and  those  that  were  to  be  mended  with  sh'ad  "«". 
Behwys,  in  another  case,  was  at  first  the  name  for  all  small 
fruits,  but  afterwards  became  restricted,  yielding  a  portion 
of  its  territory  to  gape  (grape)  '■^K  Another  little  boy  ex- 
tended his  word  geegee  (hoise)  to  a  drawing  of  an  ostrich, 
and  a  bronze  figure  of  a  stork ;  and  his  word  apoo  (apple) 
to  a  patch  of  reddish-brown  color  on  the  mantelpiece  <"'. 
The  boy  C.  applied  the  word  boke  (broke)  to  a  torn  pocket- 
handkerchief ;  and  E.  extended  his  word  do  (door)  to 
everything  that  stopped  up  an  opening  or  prevented  an 
exit,  including  the  cork  of  a  bottle,  and  the  little  table  that 
fastened  him  in  his  high  chair. 

Healthy  children  of  two  years  of  age  will  usually  attempt 
all  sorts  of  sounds  in  imitation  of  others,  and  will  practice 
on  new  and  difficult  combinations  with  great  perseverance, 
sometimes  carrying  the  word  thr-mgh  several  stages  of 
transition,  until  it  finally  assumes  the  perfect  form.  The 
boy  A.  first  heard  the  word  pussy  when  seventeen  months 


OD. 


LANGUAGE. 


139 


still  imperfect, 
the  soft  sound 
repUced  by  I; 

le  or  the  other 
with  p  or  t  '*'. 

ide  its  first  ap- 

ladequate  limi- 
»rd  poor,  which 
pplied  on  occa- 
i',  and  was  even 
m),  with  which 
ly  for  all  things 
11  the  child  ac- 
gs  were  divided 
le  mended  with 

with  sh'ad  <«". 
me  for  all  small 
jlding  a  portion 
er  little  boy  ex- 
ig  of  an  ostrich, 
rd  apoo  {apple) 

mantelpiece  <*'. 
;o  a  torn  pocket- 
l  do  (door)  to 
r  prevented  an 
little  table  that 

usually  attempt 
ind  will  practice 
at  perseverance, 
veral  stages  of 
feet  form.  The 
iventeen  months 


old;  he  at  once  undertook  to  say  it,  but  called  it  at  first 
pooheh,  then  poojie,  then  poopoohie,  then  poofee,  until  finally, 
after  much  persevering  practice,  he  was  able  to  say  pussii, 
when  he  seemed  to  be  satisfied,  and  discontinued  its  use, 
except  when  pussy  was  in  sight.  Schultze  gives,  among 
others,  the  following  examples  :  The  German  word  tvasaer 
passed  through  these  stages,  —  ivaivaff — fafaff —  waffwaff" 
—  was.se  —  wasser;  the  word  grosmama  was  first  omama, 
and  then  dosmama,  bef.re  assuming  its  final  form.  The 
strength  of  the  reduplicating  tendency,  and  the  influence  of 
the  initial  consonant  on  the  remainder  of  the  word,  is  seen 
in  the  following  imitations :  wawa  {Mary),  dudu  {Julia), 
ill  ih  {little),  ba  ba  {blanket),  faf a  {faster),  mama  {master), 
impa  {pasture),  nana  {naughty)  <^'.' 

'  I  cannot  forbear  quoting  the  following  from  Sigismund  in  this  con- 
nection. A  child  of  twenty-one  months  attempted  to  repeat,  line  by 
line,  a  piece  of  poetry  after  another  person.  The  first  line  in  each 
pair  represents  the  pronunciation  of  the  adult,  the  second  the  imitation 

of  the  child : 

Outer  Mond,  du  gehst  so  stille, 

Tute  Bohnd,  du  tehz  so  tinne. 

Durch  die  Abendwolken  hin, 
Duch  die  Aten-honten  in. 

Gehst  so  traurig,  und  ich  f  tthle, 
Tehz  so  tautech,  und  ich  bUne. 

Dass  ich  ohne  Kuhe  bin, 
Dass  ich  one  Ule  bin. 

Guter  Mond,  du  darf  st  es  wissen, 
Tute  Bohnd,  du  atz  es  bitten. 

Weil  du  BO  verschwiegen  bist, 
Bein  do  so  bieten  bitz. 

Warum  meine  Thrftnen  fliessen, 
Amum  meine  Tftnen  bieten. 

Und  mein  Herz  so  traurig  ist, 
Und  mein  Aetz  so  atich  iz. 


Mi«;V«?«;KH!!«^M^^3iMi«.^^1^ 


140 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


Vocabularies.  —  I  have  taken  the  trouble  to  collert,  for 
purposes  of  comparison,  a  number  of  vocabulavi'>«  of  children, 
which  have  been  recorded  by  careful  and  com^    rent  observ- 
ers, with  as  much  completeness  and  accuracy  as  possible. 
I  will  now  give  these  in  summarized  form,  so  as  to  show 
the  relative  frequency  of  the  various  sounds  as  initial,  and 
also  the  relative  frequency  of  the  various  parts  of  speech. 
In  order  the  more  accurately  to  show  the  sounds  actually 
made  by  the  child,  I  have  been  obliged  to  use  an  alphabet 
differing  somewhat  from  the  ordinary  English  alphabet. 
The  following  changes  are  made:   c  is  dropped  out  alto- 
gether, such  words  as  comer,  candy,  etc.,  being  classed  under 
k;  words  like  centre,  cigar,  etc.,  under  s;  and  words  like 
chain,  cheese,  chair,  etc.,  forming  a  new  series  under  ch. 
Words  like    George,  gentleman,  etc.,  are  classed  under  j 
instead  of   j/ ;  words  like  Philip  under  /;  words  like  knife, 
knee,  etc.,  under  n ;  and  words  like  wrap,  write,  etc.,  under 
r.     Other  new  letters  besides  ch  are  sh  and  th.     In  short, 
it  is  sought  to  classify  the  child's  words  according  to  his 
pronunciation,  and  not  according  to  the  English  alphabet. 
If  he  says  tatie  for  potato,  the  word  is  classed  under  t.     I 
am  convinced  that  this  is  the  only  way  to  obtain  reliable 
and  valuable  results. 

I.  A  child  of  nine  months  is  reported  as  speaking  <•  nine 
words  plainly."     The  words  are  not  given  '«»>. 

II.  A  boy   at  twelve  months  has  "four  words  of  his 

own  "  <««>. 

'  III.  A  child  of  twelve  months  uses  ten  words  with  mean- 
ing. Six  of  these  are  nouns,  two  adjectives  and  two 
verbs  <*'.  The  initial  sounds  are  m  (three  times),  p  (four 
times),  n,  a  and  k  (each  once). 

IV.  A  child  of  one  year  used  eight  words,  seven  of  which 
were  nouns,  and  one  an  adverb.  The  initial  sounds  are  6 
(four  times),  m,  jj,  d  and  w  (one  each)  *'''. 


OD. 

3  to  collert,  for 
•i^o  of  children, 
1^    rent  observ- 
,oy  as  possible, 
so  as  to  show 
1  as  initial,  and 
arts  of  speech, 
lounds  actually 
use  an  alphabet 
glish   alphabet, 
opped  out  alto- 
g  classed  under 
and  words  like 
jries   under   ch. 
dassed  under  j 
iTords  like  knife, 
mte,  etc.,  under 
d  tJi.     In  short, 
bccording  to  his 
iglish  alphabet. 
3sed  under  t.     I 
I  obtain  reliable 

1  speaking  '•  nine 

100) 

ir  words  of  his 

'ords  with  mean- 
ictives  and  two 
e  times),  p  (four 


LANGTTAGB. 


141 


V.  The  boy  R.  had  at  command  about  twenty  words, 
thirteen  of  which  were  nouns,  and  four  or  five  interjectional 
words.    For  initial  sound  b  was  perferred,  then  p  and  (. 

VI.  Another  child  is  reported,  at  fifteen  months,  as  hav- 
ing "  syllables,  but  no  words  "  <"»'. 

VII.  A  girl  of  seventeen  months  is  reported  as  using 
thirty-five  words,  twenty-two  of  which  are  nouns,  four 
verbs,  two  adjectives,  four  adverbs  and  three  interjections. 
The  initial  sounds  are  d  (eight  times),  s  (four),  m,  b 
and  ch  (three  each),  p,  t,  k,  a  and  y  (two  each),  i,  j,  n,  o 
(one  each)  'H 

VIIT.  A  girl  of  twenty -two  months  uses  twenty-eight 
words,  distributed  as  follows :  Nouns  sixteen,  verbs  three, 
adjectives  three,  adverbs  and  interjections  five.  The  initial 
sounds  are  6  (six  times),  d  (five),  m  (four),p  (three),  y,  h 
and  k  (two  each),  e,  i,  n  and  o  (one  each)  <°'. 

IX.  A  girl  at  two  years  employs  thirty-six  words,  distrib- 
uted as  follows :  Nouns  sixteen,  adjectives  four,  pronouns 
three,  verbs  seven,  adverbs  three,  interjections  three  ^"'. 
Initial  sounds  are,  p  (five  times),  m,  b  and  iv  (each  four 
times),  g,  k  and  h  (each  three  times),  d,  i,  n  and  r  (each 
twice),  a  and  o  (euch  once). 


s,  seven  of  which 
;ial  sounds  are  6 


Si, 

„  a 

(§5 


o 
11 


5a 


■fuoO  I  " ^ 


JAPV  I 

•qj9A  I      =^ 

•fpv 

•sunojii 


I 


CI  ^  rH        rH  1-t  iH  *** 


'\m\xi 


A  1- 
fgl 

>  9  c 

►"OB 

^^§ 

III 
Ifl 


•f'toD 


r 


^  _!        r*->-l        Nil  '1  I   ^ 


r"  CI  M  « -f  Tl  •-<  ?1  ^;  C<  O  IN  *  CO  <-l  j<        ilO        « 

-<«5cWfa-^S-.-5WjS>!;0(tiCyM»Mr<HS>^N 


"3        X  C-ICO        CC  r-(        N        «^CC:0 


— ICC  -H        <-l        CON 


CO     i^»-tf-i 


•ApVl 


e^rt        rt 


•qj9A  I 


•noaj 


•fpvl 


suno^si 


«o      CC       i-»      ^  r-(      cceo      CO 


<«60W&HOa^Hi-sWijS;z;Oa,0'Mtc5HHt3>^N 


m  1^  lo  o  ri  -x  t~  o  N     orToT^eTffi     oT*     "  ^  "  *' '" 


•fiioo 


•Apv 


•qj9A 


•UOJJ 


•fpv 


suno^j 


WOX 


•fj9»m 


•^TMloPrrt^DtoorN     Recoit-     jH     lo^     ^ei     iri'O 


^M60Wh0Wwi-sWijS!z;O&.0'e3!»MHHt3>-^tsi 


CSC^  f-t«0»C5 


•foooj 


•deij 


•APV 


•qj9A 


•nojj 


•fpv 

•snnofi 


rHN       i-l       eiNlO  WeiiH       rHlO 


rlN      0^      iieo 


.HtHill-l  iH        >H  IHCO 


r-l '"' 


142 


s 


W(Nf- 

rll-H 

1^ 

1" 

1-^ 

Shhd^^s) 


t^  ,-H        r-i       CO  cc        OJ  1 

-; 


(MO»                  ecu 

S 

^HHtS^^N 

1 

W  ff^  M  M  t- 

e^ 

iH        »-* 

A                                 1H 

1-1 

« 

» 

.I 

H        1-t 

? 

3MHHt3>^Sl 

1 

5     c5(M»-ioin 

CO 

<i 

^H 

y-i  ?H 

^ 

»        iH                    i-t 

s 

H        rH.              IHCO 

0        t-«        ^IH 

s 

dShS&>^n 

1 

^  Ol—  IM 


•»>       tCiitOiM'-i 


gj-r5;«r.=-.2-r«j«5t-or.«|5«-g«g5 


71        i-»  ^^  ^1  '^'  '^ 


oa='-?;t-s2S'"'"'?i    22^?i    "?;"2    =^"§5"  |1 


M        Mr^THM        lit-        iO 


i    "' 


N        rINrI        <N        «1"        M 


«  -f  c.  5i  t-  o  1-1  ?i  ?■"     lo  !c  1-1  <o    ffi  2  «  2 

1-(  iH  CI         1-1  H  1-1         ^ 


r^egxi-ie^NCC'iiF-iUjO'*©'*'      2;»J      2! 


'.H«"t-b.N(M«rt  1-1  «'<•*»«       giH       t-       lO  >0 

1-1 11 1-* . 


«g..'.j5C<=5«=5«'-.g5<NC5i-i-g«cr.^^j5«*     52=^ 


^■»»l       Mr-tNtOtDi-l       "O 


w     «     ■*  •■ 


CO  rH -^  rH  i-t  1H  ^^  ^ 


-^rg'isiVWcit-oo«r-j5^5;«x«m'-iiotje<:mfi^      >.- 


143 


^ 


ir 


a  >. 

23 

CO  eS 

CO  o 


O  at 

Pi, 


^-wB 


3  O 


».K 


a  ^ 


■i«;ox 

«^^^^    «^«-*''2fiS2S    '«3»S-"*"'-J5"  1 

§j 

•fjeaui                                                  '^                          -H       (N 

•fnoQ    «                         -H                                                               « 

•d9JJ       ^"^                                       "^                           "^^                    i-tr^rt^g 

.^py   1    toil        COi-1              e<5r1rH                     •<J(nr1              iHOIt-I.-IIN 

s 

•qja A  IS'Jio     OM     rHt-r-i»HrtioCT.-i'>*«     Maeoo             oo 

So 

•uoaj  1 

loej             CO     «                 th         iH     iMN     00 

•cpvl 

•*CO       V                   *-trHi-*             C<ICOiH             T-IOi       lO  iH             tH             53 

•sunofj  1 

■-1  1 

■«!PQoOHfeOS«'-tW»jSZOaHaa5c«MHHt3>^N 

•^ 

•imoi 

•fjajui 

n  l-H                                                 >->                                                rH                  rH 

t- 

•Cuoo 

'^                                                                           > 

1H 

•daaj 

rH               iH                                 tH                                       1-trH        f-( 

iO 

•Apv 

(M  rt        .-1                     rH                                 •?!  N                    ?!        (M  rH  rH        CI  fl 

s 

■qj9A 

rlO)        t-rt-0'*t-'^        00tOlO>-l'H'<l<        00»»-(^Iq              IQ 

§ 

1   •uo.ia 

»*W                     «                                                   iH              rHN 

CO 

•suno^ 

ICCO        r-ti-ti-tt-lC-J               CI        i-tt^rHt-t        C-Iir;        r-tC^              rH 

s 

''S^S"'5'-S<'"*  55*15  ="-<^"g'"SS?'-U;'*^'"'- 

i 

<;«6QWfa'J!U«',W-;SS!50a4C?M!»MHH&>^N 

1 

•l«»ox 

SSS?53r.SS~-S13SS?^SS'^S5E:S5S'"»S» 

s 

•fjajui 

i-^r^                                       r-t  1^ 

•* 

•fnoo        '^                                       " 

CI 

■dajj    nr-i            '>\         e^                    m                           ^     ih 

s 
s 

•APV   1^'              '^        '^        ^^                     '^        N'i'NrH        r^              rtr^f-l*-(C^ 

■qiaA 

1H 

•UOJJ 

W  C^l                   ^                                                               CI  CI 

01 

•fpv 

rC3C        COi-t-tClCl        r-ilft«(f<(N1-^»-*        ^W        ^Ift             « 

s 

•sano^ 

'-tSS*aSS'"''S"5S3'*'S    JiSSS^^'^-S*' 

i 

<!«u0Wfc.Otai-ii-.WiJS;«OeuO'W02^HH&>^N 

•a 

•1«»<>X 

1^ 

•Cj9^ui 

>H 

♦H 

•fuo;) 

tH 

s 

•(10.IJ 

f-t 

•APV 

M                                                                      rt        CI                                 C5        rl 

•qa9A 

N        1-"  rt  M        IM             "J"  CI  rt        CI  CI             r-l       CI                   10 

•IIOJJ 

iH                                 r-l 

CI 

•fpv 

C>                          eOtHMCl              rHW                          iH.                   ri 

s'linoiii 

•*r:     t-     ^(ooci-c     i-c^ji—.  t-rtcjii     "ii     -H             -xrt 

<!co6awfeias«>t^-js^oaHO'os.-/i«HHt)>jfN 

3 

144 


3»g^^-j5r, 

g 

fH 

IN 

nil 

rH        rH        T-1        ..H 

s 

H        CI        rHrllN 

s 

J.  MO                    00 

So 

tH              iH        IMN 

00 

1.^ 

35        WH              * 

?il 

s^a  -  «. 

/3MHH&>^N 

1^ 

rH              r-1 

t- 

% 

fH 

1-t  rH        .H 

« 

f  1        (M  .-"  .H        H  I-l 

s 

aOfi^M          iQ 

s 

rH             TIN 

CO 

IC         r-t  C^                »-( 

s 

jgi-J-;*Mr,t, 

% 

ajosHH&^^N 

I 

s 

•* 

»1 

tH         fH 

s 

s 

f-l              .H  r^i-l.-(C^ 

O  ■*  ^  M  (M        ^ 

IMO 

OJ 

IS 

a5^HH&>^N 

■a 

'-C        C.        tH       C'l  t^ 

1H 

— 

1^ 

'- 

«        r^ 

s 

1-1       (M                   10 

s 

IN 

iH                                 n 

JC 

"Jl        J(J                     XrH 

1^ 

«i«HHU)>iSN 

1 

LANGUAGE. 


146 


Summarizing  these  vocabularies,  we  find  some  interesting 
facts  bearing  on  language-growth,  both  on  the  physiological 
and  on  the  psychological  side. 

For  example,  with  regard  to  the  relative  frequency  of  the 
various  parts  of  speech,  the  following  table  is  instructive. 
Of  the  five  thousand  four  hundred  words  comprising  these 
vocabuiaiies ' 


60    per 

cent  are  nouns. 

20     " 

a 

"    verbs. 

9     " 

a 

"    adjectives. 

5     " 

« 

"   adverbs. 

2     " 

i( 

"    pronouns. 

2     " 

« 

"    prepositions. 

1.7  " 

(• 

"    interjections. 

0.3  " 

(I 

"    conjunctions. 

100.0 

Of  the  nouns,  less  than  one  per  cent  are  abstract.  Nearly 
all  are  names  of  persons  or  familiar  objects.  The  majority, 
in  the  earlier  months,  seem  to  be  used  almost  with  the 
force  of  proper  nouns,  as  Schultheiss  has  also  observed.  The 
adjectives  are  mostly  those  of  size,  temperature,  cleanliness 
and  its  opposite,  and  similar  familiar  notions.  This  table 
also  corroborates  Sigismund's  observation  that  the  conjunc- 
tion is  especially  difficult.  Another  interesting  point  is  the 
comparison  of  the  above  table  with  a  similar  table,  showing 
the  relative  frequency  of  the  various  parts  of  speech  in 
ordinary  adult  language.  Professor  Kirkpatrick  says  that 
of  the  words  in  the  English  language. 


1  In  all  the  calculations  that  follow,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to 
include,  along  with  my  own  vocabularies,  those  of  Professor  Holden, 
and  Professor  Humphreys,  which  I  have  re-wranged  phonetically  for 
the  purpose. 


^J.t^iL^^iktkttrr,t^-  ,  $t  ^^.IPT'  - 


l: 

1: 


146  THK  PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILDHOOD. 

60    per  cent  are  nouns. 
11      "      "      "   verbs. 
22     "      "      "   adjectives. 
5.5  "       "      "    adverbs. 

An  important  considtration  is  involved  here.  If  we  look 
only  at  the  first  of  these  two  tables,  and  consider  the 
child's  words  by  themselve?,  it  will  seem  that  the  nouns 
have  greatly  the  advantage  over  the  other  parts  of  speech. 
But  such  a  conclusion  obviously  cannot  be  drawn,  unless  a 
comparison  of  the  child's  vocabulary  with  that  of  the  adult 
justifies  us  in  so  doing.  In  order  to  show  that  the  child 
learns  nouns  more  easily  than  verbs,  we  must  be  able  to 
show  that  the  number  of  his  nouns  bears  a  larger  propor- 
tion to  the  number  of  nouns  he  will  use  as  an  adult,  than 
the  number  of  his  verbs  bears  to  the  number  of  verbs  he 
will  use  in  adult  life.  To  represent  the  matter  symboli- 
cally. 

Let    n  =  the  proportion  of  nouns  in  the  child's  vocabulary. 

And  N  =    "  "  "       "      "    "    man's  " 

Let    V  =    "  "  "  verbs  "    "    child's         " 

And  V  =    "  "  "      "      "    "    man's  " 


Then,  if  the  child  learns  nouns  more  easily  than  verbs, 

the  proportion  of  n  to  N  will  be  greater  than  that  of  v  to  V. 

But  on   comparing  the  two  tables,  the  very  opposite  is 

found  to  be  the  case. 

TT       n      60     -, 
For  —=---=  1 

N      60  . 

But  ^  =  20  =  1.81 -^ 

V      11  ' 

In  other  words,  tlie  child  of  two  years  has  made  nearly 
twice  as  much  progress  in  learning  to  use  verbs  as  in  learn- 


mu.  jL  I'  -at  •— 


-L 


lOOD. 


1  INGUAGB. 


147 


lere.  If  we  look 
nd  consider  the 

that  the  nouns 
parts  of  speech. 

drawn,  unless  a 
;hat  of  the  adult 
V  that  the  child 
must  be  able  to 

a  larger  propor- 
is  an  adult,  than 
iber  of  verbs  he 

matter  symboli- 

lild's  vocabulary, 
lan's  " 

nild's         " 
lan's  " 

isily  than  verbs, 
an  that  of  v  to  V. 
very  opposite  is 


has  made  nearly 
verbs  as  in  learn- 


ing to  use  nouns  ;  according  to  my  tables  of  child-language 
and  Professor  Kirkpatrick's  table  of  adult-languago.'  A 
comparison  of  the  adjectives  and  adverbs  in  the  two  tables 
justifies  a  similar  conclusion  in  favor  of  the  adverb.  To 
my  mind,  this  fact  —  which,  so  far  as  I  know,  has  been 
hitherto  overlooked  by  all  writers  on  child-language  —  pos- 
sesses great  value  for  philology  and  pedagogy  as  well  as  for 
psychology.  In  the  tirst  place  it  sujjports  the  view  that 
the  acquisition  of  language  in  the  individual  and  in  the  race 
proceeds  by  similar  stages  and  along  similar  lines.  Max 
Miiller  says  that  the  primitive  Sanscrit  roots  of  the  Indo- 
Germanic  languages  all  represent  actions  and  not  objects  ; 
that  in  the  race  the  earliest  ideas  to  assume  such  strength 
and  vividness  as  to  break  out  beyond  the  limits  of  gesture 
and  clothe  themselves  in  words  are  ideas  of  movement, 
activity.  We  have  found,  from  examination  of  the  vocabu- 
laries of  these  twenty-five  children,  that  the  ideas  which 
are  of  greatest  impr~tance  in  the  infant  mind,  and  so  clothe 
themselves  most  frequently  (relatively),  in  words,  are  the 
ideas  of  actions  and  not  objects,  of  doing  instead  of  being. 
The  child  learns  to  use  action-words  (verbs)  more  readily 
than  object-ioords  (nouns) ;  and  words  descriptive  of  actions 
(adverbs)  more  readily  than  words  descriptive  of  objects 
(adjectives).* 


1  This  statement  is  still  further  confirmed  by  a  vocabulary  received 
since  the  publication  of  the  first  edition.  It  is  the  vocabulary  of  a  five- 
year-old  boy  in  Minneapolis.  Of  the  sixteen  hundred  words  spoken 
by  this  boy,  19  per  cent  were  verbs  and  only  53  per  cent  nouns. 

*  Professor  Kirkpatrick,  in  a  private  note,  suggests  that,  since  his 
tables  of  adult  language  are  taken  from  the  dictionary,  they  very  likely 
do  not  represent  truly  the  vocabulary  of  the  average  adult.  It  appears 
that,  in  "  Robinson  Crusoe,"  the  proportion  of  nouns  to  verbs  is  not 
60  to  11,  but  46  to  24.  If  "  Robinson  Cnisoe  "  represents  the  average 
adult  vocabulary,  then  the  conclusions  stated  in  the  text  will  need 


I ;  ; 


,  grtfir:-. 


148 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OP  CHILDHOOD. 


In  the  second  place  this  fact  confirms  the   Froebelian 
principle,  on  which  child-education   is   coming   more  and 
more  to  be  based,  viz.,  that  education  proceeds  most  naturally 
(and,  therefore,  most  easily  and  rapidly)  along  the  line  of 
motor  activity.!     The  child  should  not  be  so  much  the 
receptacle  of  instruction,  as  the  agent  of  investigation.    Let 
him  do  things,  and  by  doing  he  will  most  readily  learn.     He 
should  not  'he  passive,  but  active  in  his  own  education.     The 
kindergarten  is  the  modern  incarnation  of  this  idea,  but 
the  idea  itself  is  as  old  as  Aristotle,  who  says,  "We  learn 
an  art  by  doing  that  which  we  wish  to  do  when  we  have 
learned  it;  we  become  builders  by  building,  and.  harpers 
by  harping.     And  so  by  doing  just  acts  we  become  just, 
and  by  doing  acts  of  temperance  and  courage  we  become 
temperate  and  courageous." " 

Turning  now  to  the  consideration  of  these  vocabularies 
from  the  standpoint  of  ease  or  difficulty  of  pronunciation  of 
the  various  simple  sounds,  we  find  some  instructive  data 
here  also.  The  following  table  shows  the  relative  frequency 
of  the  various  sounds  as  initial.  In  this  calculation  no  heed 
is  paid  to  the  English  spelling  of  the  words,  but  only  to  the 
sounds  actually  uttered  by  the  child,  as  already  pointed  out. 
Of  the  five  thousand  four  hundred  words 


revision.    I  imagine,  however,  that  in  a  book  so  full  of  action  as 
•♦  Robinson  Crusoe,"  the  verb  element  would  be  unusually  strong. 

1  My  colleague,  Professor  van  der  Smissen,  gives  me  the  very  interest- 
ing observation,  that  his  little  girl,  who  is  just  learning  to  talk,  uses 
many  sentences  in  which  the  verbs  are  not  spoken  at  all,  but  acted,  all 
the  other  words  in  the  sentence  being  spoken.  E.g.,  "  Willie  whipped 
the  pussy,"  would  be  expressed  by  the  words,  "Willie  .  .  .  pussy, 
accompanied  by  a  lively  slapping  movement  of  one  hand  upon  the 

other. 

a  "  Eth.  Nic,"  Book.  II.  Chap.  I.  par.  4. 


OOD. 

the   Froebelian 
ming   more  and 
is  mc.st  naturally 
long  the  line  of 
be  so  much  the 
restigation.    Let 
adily  learn.     He 
education.     The 
•f  this  idea,  but 
says,  "We  learn 
0  when  we  have 
ing,  and.  harpers 
we  become  just, 
irage  we  become 

liese  vocabularies 
f  pronunciation  of 
instructive  data 
•elative  frequency 
ilculation  no  heed 
Is,  but  only  to  the 
ready  pointed  out. 


10  full  of  action  as 
unusually  strong, 
i  me  the  very  interest- 
earning  to  talk,  uses 
H  at  all,  but  acted,  all 
t!.g.,  "  Willie  whipped 
■Willie  .  .  .  pussy," 
'  one  hand  upon  the 


LANGUAGE. 

11     per 

cent  begin 

with  the  sound  of  b. 

10.3 

(( 

« 

(( 

ti 

tt 

(( 

"   s. 

9 

« 

« 

« 

it 

it 

it 

"  k. 

8 

« 

« 

« 

if 

tt 

a 

"  p. 

6.1 

K 

« 

« 

tt 

ti 

it 

"  h. 

6 

« 

« 

(t 

a 

ti 

ti 

"  d. 

6 

(i 

a 

« 

tt 

tt 

It 

"   m. 

6 

« 

<t 

« 

tt 

tt 

tt 

"   t. 

5.2 

(( 

« 

« 

it 

tt 

it 

"   w. 

4 

(( 

<( 

« 

it 

ti 

tt 

"/ 

4 

(( 

« 

(( 

ft 

it 

tt 

"  n. 

3.2 

(( 

ti 

(( 

ti 

(t 

it 

"  9- 

3.1 

(( 

(( 

« 

ii 

it 

it 

"  I. 

3 

li 

« 

<( 

it 

tt 

tt 

"  a. 

3 

U 

« 

« 

tt 

it 

it 

it  y_ 

2 

il 

(( 

« 

tt 

it 

it 

"   i. 

2 

(C 

« 

(( 

(t 

tt 

tt 

"   sh 

1.3 

(I 

« 

(( 

it 

it 

ti 

"  th. 

1.2 

« 

« 

« 

« 

tt 

tt 

"  e. 

1.1 

it 

« 

a 

it 

ti 

tt 

"     0. 

1 

(( 

« 

li 

it 

a 

tt 

"  ch 

1 

« 

« 

a 

it 

it 

it 

"  J- 

1 

(( 

« 

ti 

it 

it 

(t 

"  y- 

0.8 

« 

<( 

u 

it 

tt 

« 

"   u. 

0.5 

(( 

« 

« 

it 

tt 

(( 

"    V. 

0.2 

l( 

(( 

« 

it 

« 

(( 

"  q- 

149 


A  glance  at  this  table  shows  how  prominent  a  place  the 
explosive  consonants  occupy  as  initial  sounds  in  child-lan- 
guage.'   The  vowels,  on  the  contrary,  though  undoubtedly 


1  The  vocabulary  of  the  five-year-old  Minneapolis  boy,  spoken  of  in 
a  previous  footnote,  conforms,  in  the  main,  to  this  order.  The  five 
sounds  he  used  most  frequently  as  initial  are  s,  p,  b,  k,  /,  in  the  order 
named.    — 


.j5tM-.''Sr<'f>^<y'' 


160 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


the  earliest  sounds  to  be  used  in  most  cases,  are  very  infre- 
quent as  initial,  not  only  absolutely  but  relatively.  In  the 
English  dictionaries  the  vowel  a  occupies  xourth  place 
as  initial  letter '«>;  in  ray  tables  it  on-  ,;ie8  fourteenth 
place;  while  the  other  vowels  stand  still  lower.  The  rea- 
son of  this  is  not  far  to  seek.  It  is  simply  a  case  of  the 
operation  of  the  law  of  physiological  ease  ;  as  any  one  may 
verify  by  pronouncing,  in  succession,  the  following  syl- 
lables :  ap,  pa,  ah,  ha,  ok,  ka,  am,  ma,  ad,  da;  and  observing 
how  much  more  easily  those  syllables  are  pronoui  m 
which  the  consonant  leads  and  the  vowel  follows. 

Another  interesting  feature  of  this  table  is  the  high  place 
occupied  by  the  guttural  fc  as  initial  sound.      It   stands 
above  p  and  m,  and  next  to  s  and  6.     This  fact  does  not 
bear  out  the  theory  propounded  by  several  writers  on  child- 
language,  that  those  sounds  are  selected  by  the  child  tor 
earliest  acquirement  whose  pronunciation  involves  those 
portions  of  the  vocal  apparatus  which  are  most  easily  seen, 
such  as  the  lips.     According  to  this  theory,  not  only  the 
labial  p,  but  the  sounds  d,  m,f,  sh,  th,  etc.,  ought  to  stand 
high  in  the  list,  because  the  movements  involved  m  their 
pronunciation  are  plainly  visible;  while  the  guttural  k, 
whose  movements  are  absolutely  out  of  sight,  should  stand 
very  low.     The  contrary  is  the  case ;  k  stands  thud  in  the 
list  of  initial  sounds,  while  th,  whose  movements  are  exceed- 
ingly obvious  to  sight,  occupies  the  eighteenth  place.     This 
seems  to  prove  that  the  child  does  not  learn  to  utter  sounds 
by  watching  the  mouths  of  those  who  utter  them  in  his 
presence ;  and  this  opinion  is  confirmed  by  the  observation 
of  Schultze,  that  the  child  does  not  usually  look  at  the 
mouth,  but  at  the  eyes  of  the  person  speaking  to  him.     On 
the  other  hand  there  seems  no  sufficient  ground  for  the 
statement  that  the  law  of  least  effort  is  overturned  by  this 
frequency  of  the  sound  of  k.    This  guttural  sound  is,  for 


■:Ji.r^ijisif^.~CUAOi: 


lOOD. 

s,  are  very  infre- 
latively.  In  the 
ies    tourth   place 

^;ie8  fourteenth 
lower.  The  rea- 
ply  a  case  of  the 
;  as  any  one  may 
le  following  syl- 
la;  and  observing 
re  pronoui.  '  'n 
'ollows. 

!  is  the  high  place 
)und.  It  stands 
'his  fact  does  not 
1  writers  on  child- 
L  by  the  child  for 
an  involves  those 
!  most  easily  seen, 
•ory,  not  only  the 
;c.,  ought  to  stand 

involved  in  their 
e  the  guttural  k, 
light  should  stand 
tands  third  in  the 
ements  are  exceed- 
eenth  place.  This 
irn  to  utter  sounds 

utter  them  in  his 
by  the  observation 
Lsually  look  at  the 
aking  to  him.  On 
jnt  ground  for  the 
overturned  by  this 
ctural  sound  is,  for 


LANGUAGE. 


161 


most  children,  no  more  difficult  than  the  labials.  Often  it 
is  one  of  the  very  earliest  sounds  employed.  I  know  one 
child  with  whom  it  is  more  frequently  used  than  even  b.  In 
short,  so  far  as  my  observations  go,  I  have  no  hesitation  in 
saying  that  the  child's  earliest  vocal  utterances  are  not 
acquired  by  imitation  at  all,  either  of  sound  or  of  move- 
ment, but  that  they  are  purely  impulsive  in  their  character. 
They  are  simply  the  result  of  the  overflow  of  motor  energy, 
which  we  have  seen  so  prominent  in  other  departments  of 
the  child's  life  ;  and  they  proceed  at  first  along  the  lines  of 
least  resistance. 

In  the  following  tables  I  have  given  the  results  of  a  care- 
ful examination  of  seven  hundred  instances  of  mispronun- 
ciation which  I  have  found  in  the  above  vocabularies.  The 
first  table  shows  the  various  sounds  in  the  order  of  the 
number  of  times  they  are  misused,  as  well  as  the  ways  in 
which  they  are  misused ;  the  second  and  third  tables  enter 
into  more  detail. 

In  the  following  table  the  first  column  gives  the  sound 
misused;  the  second  shows  the  number  of  times  it  is  re- 
placed by  another  sound ;  the  third  shows  how  often  it  is 
dropped,  without  being  replaced;  and  the  fourth  shows 
how  often  it  is  brought  into  a  word  to  which  it  does  not 
belong  (not  as  a  substitute  for  some  other  sound,  but  as  a 
pure  interpolation,  for  no  apparent  reason V 


.^m^ 


162 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  CHILDHOOD. 


Sound 
Miiuied. 

Re- 
placed. 

Dropped. 

Inter- 
polated. 

ToUl. 

Sound 
Miiuied. 

Re 

placed. 

Dropped. 

i 

Inter- 
polated. 

Total. 

K 
L 

S 

G 

T 

Sh 

K 

Th 

51 
35 

25 
25 
13 
26 
20 
21 

87 

70 
34 
6 
17 
4 
8 
2 

4 
1 
1 

142 
105 
60 
31 
31 
30 
28 
23 

w 

Ch 

Y 

V 

E 

H 

J 

P 

A 

M 

Wh 

7 

13 
1 
8 
2 
2 
5 
4 

5 

10 
2 
5 
5 

1 
4 

3 
1 

16 
13 
12 
10 

7 
7 
5 
5 
4 

(hard) 

F 

15 
5 

4 

12 

1 
2 

20 
19 

4 
3 

4 
3 
3 
3 

2 

1 

Th 

(Koft) 

Ng 

N 

14 

15 

7 

4 

7 

1 

18 

15 
15 

O 
B 
Z 

Q 

3 
3 

1 
1 

1 

The  following  table  shows  the  relative  frequency  of 
replacement  of  the  sounds  when  initial,  medial,  and  final, 
and  also  (in  the  case  of  the  consonants)  when  occurring 
as  one  member  of  a  double  consonant  {e.g.,  as  r  m  cream) 
It  also  gives  the  relative  frequency  of  the  substituted 
sounds ;  . 


When 

When 

1 
Wl«eii 

When    Replaced 

Times 

Replaced. 

Initial. 

Medial. 

Final. 

Double. 

oy 

1 

i 
1 

w 
1 

29 
6 

R 

21 

21 

g 

4 

y 

e 

V 

t 

m 

P 

3 

8 

k 

Examples, 


kweem  (cream). 

tomnkOll&  (tonuirrow). 

allylte  (all  right), 

tumblie  (tumbler), 

voom  (room), 

tautech  (traurig). 

pipe  (ripe). 

Kaka  (Carrie). 


i-::Ski«au«s3i  - 


HOOD. 


itive  frequency  of 
medial,  aucl  iinal, 
;s)  when  occurring 
i.g.,  as  r  in  cream). 
of  the  substituted 


69. 

Examples. 

kweem    (cream). 

tomniollii  (toniiiri-ow) 

allylte    (all  right), 
tumblie  (tumbler), 
voom      (room), 
tautech  (traurig). 
pipe        (ripe). 
Kaka      (Carrie). 

t       ■ 

LANGUAGE. 


153 


Sound 
Ueplaced. 


When 
Initial. 


When  I  When 
Medial.    Flual. 


Sh 


G 


Th  (hard) 


17 


18 


19 


19 


When 
Double. 


Replaced 


11 


K 


11 


e 

w 

u 

n 

t 

b 

d 

00 

s 
h 
b 
t 
n 

t 
h 
f 
b 
d 


Times. 


Examples. 


minnie  (milk), 

table  (Uble). 

slngu  (shingle), 

setta  (celery), 

bampe  (lampe). 

degen  (legen). 

apoo  (apple). 


19      fis  (fish). 

4  hoogar  (sugar). 
1  tooz  (shoes). 
1 
1 


8 
8 
3 
3 
3 


tweet  (sweet), 

hlate  (slate), 

poofee  (p^ussy) . 

dide  (side). 


d 

k 

t 

b 

w 

) 

17 
2 

2 
1 

1 
1 
1 

10 
4 
3 
1 
1 
1 
1 

dass 

hookoo 

toss 

bavy 

detting 

(glass). 

(sugar). 

(gross). 

(gravy). 

(getting). 

n 

f 
t 
a 
P 

i 

free 

mous 

tank 

harf 

nuppin 

(three). 

(mouth). 

(thank). 

(hearth). 

(nothing). 

t 

s 

15 
2 
2 

1 

bastet 
sur. 
uiitle 
tanny 

(basket), 
(come), 
f  uncle), 
(candy) . 

p 

s 
k 
t 

0 
6 
2 
2 

nup         (enough) 
butteray  (butterfly), 
kork        (fork). 
6t             (oft). 

■t  r 


154 


THK  PSYCHOLOGY   OF  CHILPHOOD. 


,       WhtMi 

When 
Muiliiil. 

VVlion 
Final. 

\Vli.m 
)()ubli'. 

Ue^laccd  Times. 

K.xniiiiiUs. 

Ng 

1 

5 

10 

1 

11 
e 
a 

12 
2 
1 

flnner      (finger), 
tockies  (stockings). 

luekatalr  ^rockill^,'  clialr). 

Th  isoft) 

11 

3 

d 
111 

13 
1 

nitopedder  (altoBether). 

dare         (there) . 

T 

7 

e 
k 
w 

P 

0 
4 
1 
1 
1 

dockie     (doctor), 
bankie     (blanket). 
Jackie      (jacket), 
coak         (coat), 
wawer     (water). 

Ch 

9 

2 

2 

> 

1 

R 
t 

sh 

7 
4 
2 

sair          (chair), 
tillens     (children), 
shlck       (chick). 

V 

1 

5 

2 

b 
f 
d 

5 
2 
1 

gib           (give), 
shufer     (shovel). 
Dadie      (David). 

N 

1 

6 

e 
m 

1 

4 
2 

1 

buttie      (button), 
pim          (pin), 
lemolade  (icmoimde). 

^v 

6 

1 

V 

1 

0 

1 

go  vay   (go  away), 
lalla        (water). 

D 

1 

4 

n 
t 
k 

2 
2 
1 

towntownt  (down  town), 
vinner     (window), 
kankie     (candy). 

J 

4 

1 

d 

g 

4 

1 

demidon  (demijohn). 

Gekkie    (Jessie). 

^    p 

3 

1 

1 

b 

t 

2 
2 

bee          (please), 
patie        (paper). 

M 

2 

2 

k 
n 
w 

2 

1 
1 

hankie    (hammer) 
Waggle    (Maggie) 

Wh 

3 

I 

f 
h 

2 
1 

feel          (wheel), 
haiah       (where). 

I'. 


lOD. 


K.inmiiles. 


nner      (finfcer). 
)ckiea  (stockings). 

ukatalr  ^^ockin^,'  chair), 
topedder  (oltoRether) . 

are         (there) . 

ockie  (doctor), 

ankie  (blanket), 

ickie  (jacket), 

oak  (coat), 

irawer  (water). 

air  (chair), 

illens  (children), 
hick       (chick). 

;ib  (give). 

hufer     (shovel). 
)adie      (David). 

)uttie  (button). 
)im  (pin). 

emolade  (lemonade). 

',0  vay  (go  away), 
alia        (water). 

[)«ntownt  (down  town), 
/inner  (window), 
tankie     (candy). 

iemidon  (demijohn). 

Gekkie    (Jessie). 

bee  (please), 

patie        (paper). 

hankie  (hammer). 
Waggle    (Maggie). 


feel  (wheel), 

haiah       (where). 


LANGUAGE. 

in.) 

Sound 
Replaced. 

When 
Initial. 

When 
Medial. 

When 
Final. 

When 
Double. 

.1 
Replttv.-.^ 

limes. 

Examples. 

0 

3 

a 

6 

2 

winna     (window). 

B 

1 

2 

d 
m 

badie      (biiby). 
Milly      (Billy). 

E 

2 

& 

GO 

vera        (very), 
cookoo   (cookie) 

H 

1 

1 

t 
1 

toms      (horns), 
la  Id       (la  haut). 

Y 

1 

c 

bewo      (bureau). 

Z 

1 

d 

Dodorfeen  (Josephine). 

Q 

1 

k 

skeeze    (squeeze). 

The  following  table  gives  similar  information  with  regard 
to  the  dropping  of  difficult  sounds : 


Sound 
Dropped. 


R 


When 
Inithil. 


When 
Medial. 


10 


27 


61 


37 


When 
Final. 


24 


23 


When 
Double. 


Examples. 


50        each  (reach), 

apicot  (apricot), 

dotta  (daughter), 

baselet  (bracelet) . 


39 


30 


etta  be  (let  me  be), 

peeze  (please), 

fa  (fall). 

butUfy  (butterfly). 

poon  (spoon). 

Bottie  (Bcston). 

ga  (gas). 
tSbewie  (strawberry) 


156 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY   OP   (miLDHOOD. 


goiinil 
I)roi>|ie<l. 

When 
Initial. 

When 
Medial. 

When 
Final. 

When 
Double. 

Kxamplea. 

T 

0 

8 

8 

dissance   (distance), 
bonny       (bonnet), 
sottin        (slocking). 

D 

1 

6 

0 

12 

sanny       (sandy), 
gamma     (grandma), 
bines        (blinds). 

Y 

6 

4 

ard           (yard), 
panna      (piano). 

K 

4 

2 

2 

2 

opf           (kopf). 
basset       (basket). 
b66           (book). 

N 

1 

6 

1 

pi              (pin), 
burr          (burn). 

G 

6 

1 

atten        (garten). 

W 

6 

• 

ont           (want). 
66dn't      (wouldn't). 

E 

3 

2 

nuff          (enough), 
koff          (coffee). 

H 

5 

eah           (here). 

Sh 

4 

litta          (schlitten). 

F 

3 

1 

2 

satie  pin  (safety  pin), 
natanoon  (afternoon). 

Th  (soft) 

3 

1 

at              (that), 
oberair   (over  there). 

A 

4 

fade          (afraid), 
nudda       (another). 

Th  (liard) 

2 

ba             (bath), 
mao         (mouth) . 

V 

1 

1 

ammum    (warum). 
Duttie      (Gustave). 

P 

1 

tatie         (potato). 

Z 

1 

n5            (nose). 

BiuJiM<aiii'Hii<i^j^JWB<aMW!^^ 


M). 


Kxamples. 

nee 

y 

1 

(distance). 

(bonnet). 

(slocking). 

y 

na 
i 

(sandy). 

(grandma). 

(blinds). 

a 

(yard), 
(piano). 

it 

(kopf). 

(basket). 

(book). 

(pin), 
(burn). 

1 

(garten). 

I't 

(want), 
(wouldn't). 

(enough), 
(coffee). 

(here). 

(schlitten). 

i  pin  (safety  pin), 
moon  (afternoon). 

rail 

(that), 
(over  there). 

3 

da 

(afraid), 
(another). 

> 

(bath), 
(mouth) . 

mum    fwarum). 
ttie      (Gustave). 

e 

(potato). 

(nose). 

LANGUAGE. 


167 


A   word  of  caution   is   perhaps   necessary  here.     These 
tables  do  not  show  accurately  the  order  of  difficulty  of  the 
various  sounds,  inasmuch  as  they  indicate  the  misuse  of  the 
sounds,  not  relatively  to  the  number  of  correct  pronuncia- 
tions of  each  sound,  but  only  relatively  to  the  total  number 
of  mispronunciations.     For  example,  in  the  first  table  q 
seems  an  easier  sound  than  b,  because  it  is  only  misused 
once,  while  b  is  misused  three  times.     But  if  we  remember 
that  in  the  vocabularies  b  occurs  fifty-five  times  as  often  as 
q,  the  case  is  entirely  altered.     Considered  in  this  way,  the 
order  of  difficulty,  according  to  my  observations,  is  approx- 
imately the  following :  r,  I,  th,  v,  sh,  y,  y,  ch,  s,  j,  ej,  t,  n,  q, 
d,  k,  0,  w,  a,  h,  m,  p,  b.    The  most  difficult  sound  is  r  and 

the  easiest  b. 

It  will  be  observed  also  that,  according  to  these  tables, 
mispronunciation  is  very  frequent  in  the  case  of  double  con- 
sonants, and  most  frequent  of  all  in  those  combinations 
which  belong  to  what  Mr.  Pitman  calls  the  pi  and  pr  series. 
Such  words  as  cream,  bracelet,  and  fly  are  almost  always 
mutilated ;  sometimes  r  and  I  are  replaced  by  w  or  some 
other  sound ;  sometimes  they  are  omitted  altogether. 

Another  thing  to  be  observed  is  that  the  choice  of  a  sub- 
stitute for  a  difficult  sound  is  often  determined  by  the  prom- 
inent consonant  in  the  preceding  or  succeeding  syllable. 
This  leads  to  a  reduplication  of  the  easier  sound  in  prefer- 
ence to  the  use  of  the  more  difficult  one.  The  child  says 
cawkee  for  coffee,  kork  for  fork,  or  Id  lo  for  la  haul.  The 
number  of  these  reduplications  is  very  large,  and  the  device 
is  adopted  also  in  the  case  of  difficult  vowels  ;  e.  g.,  Deedie 
occurs  for  Edie,  and  Dlda  for  Ida. 

■  Another  significant  thing  is  the  frequency  with  which  the 
sound  of  e  is  used  as  a  substitute  for  difficult  sounds,  both 
vowel  and  consonantal,  especially  at  the  end  of  a  word.  The 
child  says  ittie  for  little,  finnie  tot  finger,  and  ninnie  for  drink. 


§i 


158 


THE   PSYCHOLOGY    OF   CHILDHOOD. 


In  addition  to  the  mispronunciations  tabulated  above,  I 
liiid  a  large  number  of  miscellaneous  mispronunciations 
diffipAilt  to  classify,  such  as  the  following:  medniss  for 
medicine,  Mangie  fag  for  American  flag,  skoogie  for  excuse 
me,  kidlie  for  tickle,  pa-ta-soo  for  patent  leather  shoes,  etc. 

If  we  seek  now  to  discover  some  principle  underlying  the 
development  of  child-speech  from  the  psychic  vioint  of  view, 
we  shall  find,  I  believe,  that  principle  of  transformation, 
which  we  have  already  observed  so  frequently  elsewhere, 
operating  in  this  sphere  also.  The  earliest  utterances  of 
tlie  new-born  have  little  or  no  psychic  significance.  As 
expressions  of  his  thought,  they  have  none  at  all.  But  by 
slow  degrees  these  primitive  utterances,  modified,  increased 
and  combined,  are  associated  with  ideas,  which  are  also 
modified,  increased  and  combined,  until  fi:ially  the  instru- 
ment of  language  is  completely  under  control,  and  becomes 
the  adequate  medium  for  the  expression  of  thought. 

Not  only  may  we  make  this  statement  in  this  general  way, 
but  ii.  seems  possible  to  trace,  with  approximate  minuteness, 
the  progress  of  i:.  sound  upward,  from  the  earliest  unexpres- 
sive  condition  to  the  highest,  latest,  most  expressive  state, 
and  to  indicate  the  principal  stages  on  the  way.  These 
stages  appear  to  be  the  same  as  those  through  which  move- 
ments pass,  viz.,  the  impidsive,  the  reHex,  the  instinctive,  and 
the  ideational.  The  first  sounds  uttered  by  the  child  are 
simply  the  spontaneous  will-less,  idea-less  manifestation  of 
native  motor  energy.  They  do  not  require  a  sensory,  but 
only  a  motor  process,  and  that  motor  process  is  automatic. 
The  same  overflowing  energy,  the  same  muscle-instinct, 
which  impels  the  child  to  grasp  with  the  hands,  to  kick 
with  the  feet,  etc.,  impels  him  also  to  the  exercise  of  his 
lips,  tongue,  larynx  and  lungs  f^"'.  This  is  the  impulsive 
stage.  Then  we  find  him  uttering  sounds  in  response 
to   certain    sensations.     He  sees  a  bright  light,  hears   a 


LANGUAGiS. 


169 


ted  above,  I 
jnunciations 
medniss  for 
ie  for  excuse 
hoes,  etc. 
derlying  the 
jint  of  view, 
nsformation, 
y  elsewhere, 
tterances  of 
ficance.  As 
all.  But  by 
id,  increased 
lich  are  also 
r  the  instru- 
and  becomes 
ight. 

general  way, 
I  rcinutaness, 
3St  unexpres- 
L-essive  state, 
way.  These 
which  raove- 
stinctive,  and 
the  child  are 
[life station  of 

sensory,  but 
is  automatic, 
iscle-instinct, 
mds,  to  kick 
Lercise  of  his 
;he  impulsive 

in  response 
ght,  hears   a 


peculiar  sound,  feels  a  soft,  warm  touch,  and  these  sen- 
sations call  forth  certain  sounds.     These  sounds  are  still 
only  babblings,  not  involving  the  cooperation  of  will,  but 
they  do  involve  sensory  as  well  as  motor  processes.    The 
reflex  arc,  in  its  simplest  form,  is  complete.     Here  imitation 
takes  its  rise.    This  is  the  reflexive  stage.    In  the  next  place 
we  can  detect  certain  sounds  which  are  expressive  of  the 
child's  needs,  and  though  still  uttered  probably  without 
conscious  intention,  yet  have  a  purpose  and  an  end,  viz., 
the  satisfaction  of  those  needs.     The  cry,  which  was  at  first 
monotonous  and  expressionless,  now  becomes  differentiated 
to  express  various  states  oi  feeling,  hunger,  pain,  weariness, 
etc.     Here  we  hava  the  instinctive  stage.     Finally  the  will 
takes  full  possession  of  the  apparatus  of  speech,  the  child 
utters   his   words   with  conscious   intention;   imitation  of 
sounds,  from  being  passive  and  unconscious,  becomes  active 
and  conscious ;  and  words  are  joined  together  to  give  ex- 
pression to  ideas  of  constantly  increasing  complexity.    Here 
we  have  reached  the  ideational  or  deliberative  stage. 

As  an  example  of  the  transformation  of  a  single  sound 
through  all  these  successive  stages,  let  us  take  that  sound 
which  is,  in  the  majority  of  cases,  the  first  articulation,  the 
syllable  ma.  At  first  this  is  pure  spontaneity.  The  child 
lies  contentedly  in  his  cradle,  motor  energy  overflows,  the 
lips  move,  gently  opening  and  closing,  while  the  breath  is 
expired,  and  this  sound  is  produced,  mamamama.  As  yet 
it  has  no  meaning  ;  it  is  a  purely  automatic  utterance.  But 
by  and  by  the  fame  sound  is  called  forth  by  certain  sensa- 
tions, one  of  which  is  very  probably  the  sight  of  the  mother, 
or  of  some  other  person.  The  word  as  yet  has  no  definite 
meaning,  but  is  merely  a  sort  of  vague  demonstrative  ejacu- 
lation, a  pure  reflex.  Later  it  becomeb  the  expression  of 
certain  bodily  needs  and  conditions,  and  now  the  hungry 
child  uttjrs  this  sound  as  the  expression  of  the  need  of  his 


e$si' 


160 


THE    PSYCHOLOGY   OF   CHILDHOOD. 


natural  iiourishinent.  By  this  means,  the  word  becomes 
firmly  associated  with  the  mother,  first  probably  with  the 
breast  only  ^^\  but  afterwards  with  her  person  in  general, 
and  so  the  final  step  in  the  transition  is  made,  and  the  word 
mama  now  passes  out  of  the  serai-conscious,  instinctive 
sta^'e  into  the  ideational.  It  becomes  firmly  associated  with 
the  mother,  and  with  her  only,  it  is  used  with  a  conscious 
purpose  of  communicating  to  her  the  child's  wishes  and 
ideas,  and,  finally,  in  her  absence,  it  is  used  in  such  a  way 
as  to  show  that  her  image  is  firmly  stamped  on  his  mind, 
and  retained  in  his  memory.  In  later  life,  more  abstract 
and  complex  applications  of  this  word  are  gradually  mas- 
tered; but  we  have  followed  it  far  enough  in  its  devel- 
opment for  our  present  purpose.  This  word  was  chosen 
because  it  probably  exemplifies  better  than  any  other  the 
principle  which  we  desired  to  illustrate,  being  associated 
with  those  feelings  which  ^rise  earliest,  last  longest,  and 
take  the  Jjepest  hold  upon  the  human  soul;  but  almost 
any  primitive  utterance  of  infancy  could  be  employed  to 
exemplify,  in  a  less  complete  manner,  the  principle  enun- 
ciated. 


I  MJf  IWM»iW-«.'»HMW!J<iilMl^ 


-^^.^IIW'  ■- " 


ord  becomes 
bly  with  the 
n  in  general, 
and  the  word 
3,  instinctive 
sociated  with 
1  a  conscious 
i  wishes  and 
I  such  a  way 
on  his  mind, 
iiore  abstract 
adually  mas- 
in  its  devel- 
[  was  chosen 
ny  other  the 
ig  associated 
longest,  and 
;  but  almost 
employed  to 
inciple  enun- 


"^':^^^ 


UNPUBLISHED   SOURCES  OF   INFORMATION. 


or»{o 


A.  Observations  on  a  little  Boston  boy,  made  and  recorded  by 

Miss  Sara  E.  Wiltse.  ,    ,     ,t  • 

B.  Observations  made  by  Professor  J.  M.  Baldwin,  of  tlie  Lniver- 

sity  of  Princeton.  •  i,  ri  i 

C.  A  little  Vermont  boy,  whose  mother,  a  graduate  of  Smith  Col- 
lege made  a  very  careful  record  of  his  mental  development. 

D.  Vocabulary  kindly  sent  me  by  ITofessor  H.  H.  Donaldson,  of 
the  University  of  Chicago. 

E    Observations  made  by  a  student  of  Wellesley  College. 
r.   A  little  girl  in  Worcester,  Mass.,  whom   I  observed  for  some 
time,  and  from  whose  parents  I  received  some  valuable  notes. 

G.   Two  little  girls  in  Springfield,  Mass.     Observations  made  by 

their  mother.  ^    .    ,,.  ,      .  ■  ,      t 

K.  Observations  kindly  sent  me  by  Professor  E.  A.  Kirkpatnck,  of 

Winona,  Minnesota. 
L.   A  girl  in  North  Carolina,  aged  seventeen  months.    Notes  taken 

by  her  mother.  „  „  ^    j       t 

M.   Observations  made  by  Professor  and  Mrs.  J.  F.  McCurdy,  of 

the  University  of  Toronto.  _ 

R.    A  strong,  healthy  Canadian  boy,  whom  I  observed  during  a 
large  part  of  his  second  year. 

S    Notes  on  a  little  girl  in  Brooklyn,  N.Y.,  sent  me  by  her  father. 

T    A  little  boy  in  Boston.     Vocabulary  recorded  by  his  mother. 

W.   A  little  girl  in  Worcester,  whose  development  was  recorded  by 

her  mother.  „    „  ,r 

Y    References  to  the  lectures  of  the  late  Professor  G.  P.  Young,  on 
Pliilosophy  and  Psychology,  delivered  in  the  University  of  Toronto, 

but  as  yet  unpublished.  - 

161 


8M>y.  dMhinaWMWim^^*' 


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oXKo 


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104.  Warner,  F.     "  The  Children  :  How  to  Study  them."     London, 

1887. 
106.    WohKE,    II.    K.      "On    the    Color-Vocabulary    of    Children." 
Nebraska  University  Studies,  July,  1890,  pp.  206-234. 


\ 


t 


WWiMlM" 


INDEX. 


Abstraction,  78. 

Action,  (i8,  <.)1,  102. 

Affectation,  110. 

Affection,  66. 

Altruism,  .IT. 

Analogy,  82. 

Anger,  58, 110. 

Association,  09,  70,  71,  78,  l»i. 

Astonishment,  .50. 

Attention,65,91,92,  HI,  113. 

Beautiful,  feeling  of,  54. 
Beckoning,  103. 
Blinking,  7. 
Brain,  123. 

Color,  14. 
Concept,  76, 134, 138. 
Consonants,  149. 
Co-ordination,  6. 
Coughing,  95,  103. 
■    Creeping,  100. 
Crowing,  93. 
Cry,  xii.,  60,  95,  104,  106,  108,  125, 

159. 
Curiosity,  51. 

Deaf-mutes,  76. 

Denotation,  79. 

Desire,  91,  92,  110,  111,  113,  118. 

Differentiation,  62. 

Doll,  105. 

Dramatic  instinct,  55. 

Dreams,  46,  73. 

Ear,  20,  30, 117. 
Eye,  2,  0,  7,  29,  96. 


Fixation,  8. 

Foetus,  xi.. 

44,  93,  P' 


20,  27,  35,  37,  39,  41, 


Generalizaii"ii,  78 
Gesture,  118. 
Gutturals,  150. 

Habit,  9i. 

Head,    holding,   100,   shaking,  109, 

nodding,  109. 
Hearing,  23.  24,  45,  64. 
Heredity,  26,  50,  55,  61,  92,  94,  115. 
Hiccough,  95. 
Homesickness,  56. 
Humor,  53. 
Hunger  and  thirst,  39, 40. 

"  I,"  85,  86,  87,  137. 

Idiots,  26. 

Illusions,  64. 

Imagination,  57,  72,  73. 

Imitation,  62,  73,  102,  103,  104,  105, 

109,  128,  129,  131,  133,  138,  139, 151, 

159. 
Impatience,  48. 
Inhibition,  95,  97,  109,  112. 
Instinct,  41,  55,  58,  86,  92,  98,  117. 
Invention,  117, 132. 

Jealousy,  58. 
Judgment,  80. 

Kiss,  65,  56, 108.  " 

Laugh,  53,  95^  106. 
Light,  4,  6.  -  ^ 

169 


170 


INDEX. 


Lips,  28,  122. 
Localization,  ti2. 

Mama,  127,  1.19. 
"Me,"  87,  137. 
Mirror-iinasiH,  IH,  71,  &i. 
Mispronunciations,  14«,  151. 
Movement,  tl,  7,  :W,  :«t,  41,  (18,  8.-?,  it], 
!I2,  93,  'M,  IN),  102,  lOtJ,  110,  HI,  118. 
Mouth  moveineiits,  98,  1(X). 
Muscular  feeliiiK,  41. 
Music,  24,  53,  lOti,  128. 

Nostrils,  29,  .TO. 

Pain,  5,  39,  40,  97. 

Papa,  73,  127. 

Parts  of  sp.  I    li,  136, 145,  etc. 

Persi)ective,  12. 

Pictures,  80. 

Play,  51,  58. 

Pouting,  107. 

Property  instiii.!t,  58,  86. 

Purpose,  notion  of,  79. 

Keasouiiig,  80. 

li-.cept,  77. 

Recognitioi 

Reduplici  *' 

Reflexes, .  . 

Religi'  •     ; 

Respi    ■■  ■  . 

Rliym.u;  ,  I'l. 

Rliytbm,  129,  IX. 

Right-handedness,  etc.,  98 

Seliishuess.  58. 


33,  >  .^  .  157. 
'!.    d5,  Ui,  97,  159. 
^  (net,  50. 
i)5. 


Sentences,  132, 136. 
Sibilants,  137. 
Singing,  13;?. 
Sitting,  100. 
tUoile,  53,  55,  93,  106. 
Sneeaing,  95. 
Space,  (iO,  62. 
Standing,  100. 

Starting,  9(i.  ' 

Stretching,  93. 
Sucking,  38,  39,  (13,  81,  99. 
Suggestion,  57,  89,  113. 
Summation  of  stimuli,  68. 
Surprise,  49. 
Swallowing,  95. 
Syllables,  127. 
I  Sympathy,  57. 

'  Teeth,  98, 122. 
Temjierature,  37,  .38. 
Thumb,  contraposition,  98. 
Tongue,  28,  100,  122. 
Transformation,  .\ii.,  43,  51,  90,  94, 
10(1,  158. 

Vanity,  54,  85,  110. 
Visual  interpretation,  18, 19. 
Vocal  apparatus,  121, 122. 
Vowels,  126. 

Walking,  100. 
Weeping,  109. 
Whistling,  101. 
Will,  92,  102,  1 1(J,  112. 
Words,  133. 

Yawning,  93.  , 


1 


81,99. 
li:<. 
luli,  C8. 


18. 

itiou,  98. 

2. 

;ii.,  43,  51,  90,  94, 


ion,  18,  19. 
121, 122. 


112. 


^* 


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Wilson's  United  States  Government.      For  grammar  and  high  schooU.  140  pages. 

60  cts. 

Woodburn  and  Hodgin's  The  American  Commonwealth.    Contains  several 

orations  from  Webster  and  Burke,  with  analyses,  historical  and  explanatory  notes,  and 
studies  of  the  men  and  periods.    586  pages.    $1 .  50. 
StHt  by  maiUpoit  paid  onrectiptof prices.  See  also  our  list  of  books  in  History. 

D.    C.   HEATH    &    CO.,    PUBLISHERS, 

BOSTON.       NBW  YORK-       CHICAGO. 


•? 


READING. 


Badlam's  SuggestiTe  Lessons  in  Language  and  Reading.  A  manual  for  pA 

mary  teachers.     Plain  and  practical ;    being  a  transcript  of  work  actuslljr  done  in  the 
schocl-rooni.    fi.so. 

Badlam's  Stepping-Stones  to  Reading.—  A  Primer.   Supplements  the  aSa-page 

boolc  above.     Boards.    ]o  cts.  ' 

Badlam's  First  Reader.  New  and  valuable  word-building  exerdsei,  designed  to  follow 
the  above.     Boards.    35  cts. 

Bass's  Nature  Stories  for  Young  Readers :  Plant  Life,  intended  to  supple- 
ment the  first  and  second  leading-books.    Boards.    30  cts. 

Bass's  Nature  Stories  for  Young  Readers :  Animal  Life.    Gives  lessons  on 

animals  and  their  habits.    To  follow  second  reader.     Boards.    40  cts. 

Fuller's  Illustrated  Primer.  Presents  the  word-method  in  a  very  attractive  form  to 
the  youngest  readers.    Boards.    30  cts. 

Fuller's  Charts.  Three  charts  for  exercises  in  the  elementary  sounds,  and  for  combin- 
ing them  to  form  syllables  and  words.    The  set  for  $1.25.    Mounted,  fi.as- 

Hall's  How  to  Teach  Reading.  Treats  the  important  question:  what  children  should 
and  should  not  read.     Paper.    25  cts. 

Miller's  Hy  Saturday  Bird  Class.  Designed  for  use  as  a  supplementary  reader  in 
lower  grades  or  as  a  text-book  of  elementary  ornithology.     Boards.    30  cts. 

Norton's  Heart  of  Oak  Books.  This  aeries  is  of  material  from  the  standard  imagin- 
ative literature  of  the  English  lanEuage.  It  draws  freely  upon  the  treasury  of  f«vorite 
stories,  poems,  and  songs  with  which  every  child  sliruM  become  familiar,  and  which 
have  done  most  to  stimulavr  the  fancy  and  direct  the  sentiment  of  the  best  men  and 
women  of  the  English-speaking  race.  Book  I,  loo  pages,  25  cts. ;  Book  II,  142  pages, 
35  cts. ;  Book  III,  265  pages,  45  cts. ;  Book  IV,  303  pages,  55  eta.  1  Book  V,  359  pages, 
65  c»s. ;  Book  VI,  367  pages,  75  eta. 

Smith's  Reading  and  Speaking.    Familiar  Talks  to  thosR  who  would  speak  well  in 

public.    70  eta. 
Spear's  Leaves  and  Flowers.     Designed  for  supplementary  reading  in  lower  grades 

or  as  a  text-book  of  elementary  botany.    Boards.    30  cts. 
Ventura's  HantegaZZa'S  Testa.    A  book  to  help  boys  toward  a  complete  self-develo|>' 

ment.    fi.oo. 
Wright's  Nature  Reader,  No.  I.     Describes  crabs,  wasps,  spiders,  bees,  and  some 

univalve  mollusks.    Boards.    30  cts. 
Wright's  Nature  Reader,  No.  II.    Describes  ants,  flies,  earth-wormt,  beetles,  bar 

nacles  and  star-fish.    Boards.    40  cts. 

Wright's  Nature  Reader,  No.  III. 

files,  and  birds.     Boards.    60  cts. 

Wright's  Nature  Reader,  No.  IV. 

etc.    Boards.    70  cts. 


Has  lessons  in   plant-life,  grasshoppers,  butter 
Has  lessons  in  geology,  astronomy,  world-life, 


For  adoMUtd  tu^^mtntary  nading  utmr  lit*  of  both  m  Engluh  L  iUratmrt. 


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Dg.    A  manual  for  pii 

]rk  actually  done  in  the 

lupplements  the  a83-page 

rdsea,  dciigned  to  follow 

Intended    to   supple*' 

Life.  Givei  lessons  on 
|o  cts. 

a  very  attractive  form  to 

sounds,  and  for  combin- 

unted,  ti.2S* 

ion:  what  children  should 

supplementary  reader  in 
■ds.    30  cts. 

rom  the  standard  imagin- 
n  the  treasury  of  favorite 
»me  familiar,  and  which 
!nt  of  the  best  men  and 
cts.;  Book  II,  MS  pages, 
:ts.  1  Book  V,  359  pages, 

who  would  speak  well  in 
reading  in  lower  grades 
rd  a  complete  self-develo|>' 
I  spiders,  bees,  and  some 
larth-worma,  beetles,  bar 
'life,  grasshoppers,  butter 
fy,  astronomy,  world-life, 

EHfliih  LUtraturt. 

JSHERS, 
OQ. 


MUSIC, 


whttine's  Public  School  Music  Course.   si«  books,  forming  a  complete  course  for 

^hdassYrom  primary  to  highest  grammar  grad^^^     Books  No..  .  to  5,  Bds..each.30 
cts.     Book  No.  6.     Boards.    60  cts. 

Whitine'S  Sixth  Music  Reader,  GirU  EdUUm.  Designed  for  use  in  the  last  two  ye.™ 
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Whitinff'S  Part-song  and  Chorus  Book.     For  high  and  other  schools.    Vocalexer- 

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choruses,  etc.     Boards.    $1.10. 
Whiting's  Young  Folk's  Song-Book,    a  text-book  for  ungraded  schools.    Boards. 

40  cts.  ' 

Whiting's  Complete  Music  Reader,    a  complete  course  for  high  Khool,  .cademtei. 

etc.    Board..    8$  cts. 

Whiting's  Music  Charts.    First  S.ries,  jo  chart.,  bound,  »6.oo.    Second  Series,  14 
charts,  bound.  ».voo.    (Easel  for  Music  Charts,  »..5o.) 

Whittlesey  and  Tamieson's  Harmony  in  Praise.    A  collection  of  Hymn,  with 

«^n"«  B^bliiil  selec^on.,  for  college  and  school  chapel  exercise,  and  for  famUiC 
85  cu. 

ft 

Qiitinlementarv  Music  for  Public  Schools.    Eight  pp.  numbers,  3  cts.    Twelve 

®"^prn?mb«t.Tc"    Sixteen  pp.  numbers,  5  cts.    Send /or  .on^pUU  list.    New  numbers 
are  constantly  being  added. 

Wilson's  Infant  School  Drill.     Exerd.es.  with  music,  for  the  healthy  development 
of  the  body.    3«P»8«»-    Square  8vo.    Illustrated.    Limp  cloth.    25  cts. 


Smt  by  mail,  poUpaid,  on  receipt  of  price. 


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DRAmNG  AND  MANUAL  TRAINING. 


i«  iVMillrwork.      Explains  needlework  from  its 

^tT    si'^vo.     ao.h.»..oo.     Board,.  6oct.. 
SeL.  industrial  Instruction  (S.i.h).     a  re.uUon  or  ail  obiections  raised  a..ns. 
industrial  instruction.     .70  pages.     Qocts. 

Thompson's  Educational  and  Industrial  Drawing. 

PriLrvFree-Hand  series  (Nos..-.VK.c^^^^^^^^ 

Primary  Kree-Hand  Manual.     ..4P'ge».^»P«''^„,,,5„. 

Mechanical  Manual.     .7apage».     f  »««'•»';„'_  . 
Models  to  accompany  Thompson'.  Drawing 

<^.  No  I      For  Primary  Books,  per  set,  40  cts.  ,  ^^ 

.    .  w»     ,       Treats    o!    Clay   Modelling.   Stick    and 

Thompson's  Manual  Trammg,  No     t^-  ^^^  construction  o£  Geometrical 

Tablet  Laying,    Paper  Folding  »"°^"%        .    ,octs. 

SoUds.     Illustrated.    66  pages.     Large  8vo.     rape  ,„       .        „., 

_     .    .    _    Wa     ,       Treats    of    Mechanical  Drawing,  Oay- 

Waldo's  Descriptive  Geometry,    a  urge 

ranged,  with  suggestions.     85  pages.     90  ct.. 

and  auger.     104  pages.    60  cts.  ^^^ 

tng  in  education.    96p»g".    P»P"-    " '"* 


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BOSTON.       NEW  YORK, 


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■<-»-»- «?".'»■; 


TRAINING. 


Explains  needlework  from  its 
irork  during  six  grades.     117 


jf  all  objections  nuted  af^inst 


;.,»i.oo- 

ioi.,>i.So- 
,  »«-75- 


et,  00  eti. 

set,  sorts. 

5f    Clay   Modelling,   Stick   and 
id  Construction  ot  Geometrical 

iCtS. 

of   Mechanical  Drawing,  Oay- 
itting  and  Pasting.    Illustrated. 

r  of  problems  systematicaUy  ar- 

I,  Lessons  in  the  uies  of  the 
-line,  square,  gauge,  chisel,  saw, 

ms,  methods,  and  results;  with 
.trated.  374P»g«0'=»»'°'  *''" 
aining.  Sets  forth  more  clearly 
,cter  and  functions  of  manual  train- 


U  of  price. 

'UBLISHERS, 

CHICAGO. 


